https://museum.aqr-libjournal.ir/ Zarrīn Fām; Biannual journal of Museum Studies en daily 1 Mon, 22 Sep 2025 00:00:00 +0330 Mon, 22 Sep 2025 00:00:00 +0330 https://museum.aqr-libjournal.ir/article_234108.html Throughout history, Persian painting has consistently been regarded as a refined art within royal courts, closely tied to classical literature. The painting "Tent-Pitching of Nomads in the Foothills," from the Khamsa of Tahmasbi—also known as "Encounter of Tribes," "Encampment," or "Life in Summer Pastures"—depicts a caravan encampment in nature, framed in an unconventional manner. Ethnographic and realistic depictions of nomadic culture from the artist's era are clearly evident in this work. This study primarily seeks to trace the foundations of these transformations in Persian painting, most notably seen in the works of Mir Sayyid Ali. By examining the visual indicators of the painting, alongside an objective approach, this research analyzes and interprets its subjective dimensions to reveal hidden truths within the work and the artist's worldview. The "iconological" approach—a systematic, logical, and multi-faceted method involving three stages of description, analysis, and interpretation—is employed to understand meaning in contrast to form. The results indicate that the arrival of foreigners and ambassadors at the Safavid court introduced a tendency toward Western art, which merged with the Sufi-influenced perspectives of painters remaining from the Timurid school. Transformations during the Timurid era, influenced by Kamal al-Din Behzad and Timurid religious tolerance, form the basis of these changes, becoming more pronounced under Shah Tahmasb due to his neglect of artists. Consequently, the artist's intellectual world shifted toward ideas and values related to nature and human life, moving the interpretation of existence away from the exclusive domain of religious interpreters and courtly tastes. Given the iconic form of the "Tent-Pitching of Nomads"—created for one of the most prominent royal manuscripts—and through a systematic examination of details, the likelihood that it represents an actual scene observed by the artist is reinforced.IntroductionArt and artworks are part of the history of ideas that, to express the feelings and rationality of their time, rely on the power of imagination or are accompanied by a kind of inspiration and enlightenment that human reason is often unable to fully comprehend. For a better understanding of these multifaceted phenomena, the iconographic approach, as one of the qualitative research methods, seeks to decipher meaning within its historical context by employing the stages of description, intertextual analysis, and interpretation.In the Tabriz school of miniature painting (second period), literary themes, as in the past, provided a field for the creativity of artists such as Sultan Mohammad, Aqa Mirak, Mir Sayyid Ali, and Mozaffar Ali; artists who were among the most prominent miniaturists of this period, some of whom were direct students of Behzad. By blending Western (Tabriz) and Eastern (Herat) traditions, a new style emerged, whose brilliant manifestations can be seen in the Shahnameh and Khamsa of Tahmasp. The miniaturists of the new Tabriz school, following Behzad’s tradition, developed a naturalistic tendency and showed great interest in depicting everyday life and environments. In the naturalistic approach, away from three-dimensional tricks, the tradition of conceptual spatialization is maintained, and all themes are defined with abstract signs derived from the real world (Pakbaz, 2010: 91).The Timurids’ influence from Iranian culture, the relocation of Iranian and other artists and scholars to the capital, and their unwavering support, alongside connections with neighboring countries through active trade and exposure to foreign arts, coupled with the influence of Chinese art characteristics and religious tolerance mixed with Shiism and Sufism, created a link between the court and society and transformed the simplicity of daily life into artistic grandeur (Ajand, 2008: 224). The manifestation of this artistic renaissance came to fruition during the Safavid period. The Safavids expanded their diplomatic relations with Europeans, which led to the exchange of ambassadors and the establishment of tolerance with Armenian, Georgian, and Indian communities. The creation of new markets and the influx of Italian paintings and printed images brought about a new perspective (Ajand, 2010: 482), which was further strengthened by the expulsion of artists from Shah Tahmasp’s court, the formation of albums (morraqqa’s), and a shift in the miniaturist’s viewpoint.The prevailing method of this period diverted miniaturists from depicting courtly subjects and opened new horizons for them. The realism dominant in this school encompassed the multiplicity of relationships and events, leading to the complexification of the pictorial space and the formation of multiple layers of meaning in the use of symbols.The painting “Encampment,” attributed to Mir Sayyid Ali, within Behzad’s naturalistic style, depicts a popular-rural scene whose theme encompasses a branch of cultural history and ethnography. The depiction of several scenes of simple interactions or the daily routines of mass/common life in a single image has made him a painter of everyday life scenes. Without glorifying heroes or seeking to express a significant event, he skillfully portrayed a moment of life.In this research, with the aim of studying the iconography of the painting, first, the theoretical foundations of Erwin Panofsky’s iconography are explained, and then, by combining various data, the conditions of the work’s creation are reconstructed, and its hidden meanings are analyzed to provide appropriate answers to the following questions:What are the prominent visual characteristics in the “Desert Encampment” painting?What implicit concepts and themes do these visual characteristics contain?. Research MethodologyGiven the nature of this research, qualitative approaches have been employed, with propositions developed based on a fundamental theoretical analysis method. By nature and method, this is historical, descriptive, and analytical research. Examining the image with this method, given its greater capacity for explanation and interpretation, helps clarify various aspects of the era in which the work was created. The study's results are obtained after passing through the three stages of description, analysis, and interpretation. Data collection was conducted through library and documentary methods. The iconological approach, associated with Erwin Panofsky (1892–1968) of the Warburg School, distinguishes between "theme or meaning" and "form" across three stages: pre-iconographical description, iconographical analysis, and iconological interpretation. This step-by-step approach identifies three layers of meaning to uncover hidden messages beyond tangible elements. The unit of meaning production is the "icon," created by referring to the cultural and social conditions of the time. Panofsky believed that all forms, motifs, images, and narratives are interpreted as symbolic values, the meaning of which might be unknown even to the artist himself. Discussion  Visual Characteristics and Pre-iconographyThe initial perception is the representation of an encampment and daily activities. The space is organized by tents, with an unconventional framing. The upper frame shows people in ordinary clothing performing tasks like cooking, washing clothes, milking (an elderly woman depicted naturalistically), and preparing drinking water. Nine tents with various decorations are present. A stream divides the upper frame, guiding the viewer's eye toward a tent where conversation occurs. Women with jewelry and attire indicating social status are depicted. With a high horizon and deep field of view, all scenes are significant. The painting features 33 figures (11 women, 21 men, one infant). Key scenes include elders visiting another tribe's chief. The use of lapis lazuli, red, and gold, along with warm color balance and realistic placement of figures, are prominent features. Multi-perspective space (top, front, side views) is used, exemplified by a prayer rug depicted from above, decorated with a Nasta'liq inscription featuring verses by Hafez. The artist's signature, "Work of Mir Sayyid Ali," appears above a woman washing clothes. Iconographical AnalysisThe painting likely illustrates Layla and Majnun. An elderly figure and other men converse in a large tent. A girl in a green robe inside a red tent decorated with arabesques and Simurgh motifs secretly listens—possibly Layla anxiously hearing marriage negotiations. The Safavid era was a period of pastoral nomadism. Shah Ismail united Turkic tribes as the Qizilbash, for whom the Safavid leader was the "Perfect Guide." Nomads were a crucial military resource. Ibn Khaldun considered nomads morally superior, more courageous, and closer to natural virtue than urban populations. The painting reflects this reality: women dyeing hair with henna, wearing traditional ornaments (noh), tending animals, and even breastfeeding. Milk, a symbol of abundance and knowledge, appears. The inscription "Ya Mofattah al-Abvab" (O Opener of Doors) on Layla's tent—a prayer for opening fortune—confirms the courtship context. The Simurgh motif on her red tent symbolizes the mystical beloved or divine essence. The painting visually recreates the unspoken aspects of the poetic space, including the bashlough (courtship gifts) ceremony shown at the bottom left. The artist integrates a verse by Hafez around the rug: "In the end, you will become the potter's clay / Now think of the jug, that you may fill it with wine." This reflects realism fused with mysticism. The artist goes beyond Nizami's poetry, depicting animal husbandry, wood gathering, and an old woman spinning—innovations based on direct observation. The stream symbolizes fleeting time, and the youth drawing water represents humanity's limited opportunity to benefit from life.Iconological InterpretationAccording to Carl Jung, symbolic elements in art can emerge from the collective unconscious. Adorno noted that art draws from both the artist's subjective spirit and the world's objective spirit. The intellectual transformation of the Timurid period, due to religious and cultural tolerance, changed the artist's vision. Mir Sayyid Ali moved away from purely courtly themes, focusing on his surroundings. The boundary between high art and popular culture blurred. The artist's unstable position at court may have turned his gaze toward other powerful groups (the nomadic tribes), taking the first steps toward ethnography in Persian painting. The painting's focus on portable dwellings symbolizes the transience of the world, the cycle of birth, and power. Courtly tastes gradually gave way to the artist's perception of reality. The lack of focus on a single protagonist (Layla) and the attention to details not found in Nizami's poem create a lyrical space. The artist's signature is prominently placed—a sign of his awareness of breaking tradition and his innovation.ConclusionThe visual characteristics of the "Tent-Pitching of Nomads" were analyzed using iconology, revealing truths about the artist's worldview and the transformations of his era. The pre-iconographic stage focused on visual description, the iconographic stage relied on written texts and cultural context, and the iconological stage explained the reasons for using specific visual symbols. The research confirms that art is not created in a vacuum; social and cultural conditions influence both the depiction of themes and their reception. Initially, the painting appears as a simple rural scene of nomadic life. However, Mir Sayyid Ali used the everyday space of powerful nomads to illustrate Layla and Majnun, subtly referencing the influence of this minority. His unstable court position likely turned his gaze toward other power structures. The main feature of Persian painting is its profound insight. Mir Sayyid Ali, influenced by the previous school, created a new art that recorded the most minute details of daily life. When freed from the court and rejected by it, he began to experiment, leaving behind grand courtly art and finding aesthetic moments in everyday life. The central focal point became meaningless as he sought to depict simultaneity. The choice of nomadic life, symbolized by tents and a flowing stream, reflects the transience of the world and human distraction. Encountering foreign cultural currents and Sufi thought, combined with the lack of a patron, led to the creation of muraqqas with diverse themes. Ultimately, in the Tabriz Safavid school, the artist's intellectual world focused on natural and human life, and the interpretation of existence moved away from the exclusive domain of religious interpreters. Art retained much of its sacred, symbolic character, but its meaning also became grounded in simulating the material world and portraying the realities of human life. https://museum.aqr-libjournal.ir/article_234106.html This study examines the art of “image-making” in Iranian manuscript decoration, with particular emphasis on the Timurid and Safavid periods. This book-ornamentation technique, which emerged within a relatively short historical span, is mainly observed in deluxe and high‑value manuscripts. The present research, conducted with a descriptive–analytical approach, seeks to identify the structural styles of this technique, the artists involved, its strengths and weaknesses in different periods, and the trajectory of its development. The corpus under examination comprises six manuscripts housed at the Malek National Library and Museum Institute, complemented by a review of relevant library and museum collections as well as foreign auction catalogues. The findings indicate that the technique of image-making became common from the late Timurid era, reached its zenith in the early Safavid period, and gradually fell into oblivion during the Qajar era. Artists such as Mawlana Kopak and Sultan Ibrahim Mirza played a significant role in the development and dissemination of this technique. The execution of image-making was based on tracing, transferring designs, and creating positive and negative spaces in the margins of the folios. The motifs employed include trees, flowers, arabesques, and domestic, wild, and mythical animals. Introduction The art of book decoration occupies a central place in the visual culture of the Islamic world, and within it, Iranian manuscript production holds a particularly distinguished position. From the advent of Islam through subsequent dynastic periods, the ornamentation of books evolved from relatively modest embellishments into a sophisticated and highly specialized art form. Among these periods, the Timurid era marks a turning point, often regarded as the apex of Persian manuscript illumination and calligraphic arts. The courtly environment of Herat, under Timurid patronage, transformed into a vibrant artistic hub, where painters, illuminators, calligraphers, and binders collaborated in organized workshops and royal manufactories.Within this flourishing context, numerous innovations emerged in the realm of book-art, including novel approaches to page layout, marginal decoration, and the integration of pictorial elements with calligraphy and illumination. One of the noteworthy yet relatively less-studied innovations is the technique referred to as “image-making” (san‘at‑e ‘aks‑sāzi / ‘aks‑sākhtan). This technique can be considered a specialized form of marginal decoration and visual play, wherein motifs are created through careful tracing, transfer of designs, and manipulation of positive and negative spaces around the text.Despite its visual impact and technical sophistication, the historical and artistic literature on image-making remains sparse. Only fragmentary information exists about its practitioners—such as the enigmatic Mawlana Kopak of Herat—and about its chronological development, stylistic variations, and geographical spread. As a result, key questions remain unanswered: Which artists and workshops were active in this technique? How did its formal language evolve from the Timurid to the Safavid periods? What were its technical strengths and limitations in practice, and why did it eventually decline and fall into disuse by the Qajar era?The present study addresses these questions by focusing on a group of six manuscripts from the Malek National Library and Museum Institute, situating them within a broader comparative framework that includes external library, museum, and auction materials. In doing so, it seeks to expand both the quantitative data and the qualitative understanding of this relatively overlooked chapter in the history of Iranian book art. Methodology This research is conducted using a descriptive–analytical method, combining library-based and field-based approaches.1.     Corpus and Samplingo   The primary corpus consists of six illuminated manuscripts preserved in the Malek National Library and Museum Institute. These manuscripts were purposively selected because they contain clear and representative examples of the image-making technique in their margins or decorative panels.o   In order to contextualize these examples chronologically and stylistically, the study also reviews comparable specimens documented in library and museum collections as well as foreign auction catalogues, where manuscripts with similar marginal techniques and attributions appear.2.     Data Collectiono   Field observation was carried out through direct examination of the six Malek manuscripts. High-resolution visual inspection focused on the margins, page layouts, decorative panels, and technical details such as line quality, pigment application, and evidence of tracing or transfer.o   Documentary research included the consultation of catalogues, prior scholarly works on Iranian manuscript illumination, and published images of relevant manuscripts. Particular attention was given to mentions of Mawlana Kopak, Sultan Ibrahim Mirza, and other artists associated with Timurid and Safavid book-art workshops.3.     Analytical Approacho   The analysis proceeded in three main steps:a. Formal analysis of motifs, composition, and the use of positive/negative space in the margins.b. Technical analysis of execution methods, including tracing lines, transfer marks, layering of pigments, and the relationship between the text block and marginal decoration.c. Historical-contextual analysis, relating stylistic and technical features to specific periods (late Timurid, early Safavid, later Safavid, Qajar) and, where possible, to particular workshops or patrons.4.     Comparative Evaluation o   The Malek manuscripts were compared with documented examples from other collections to trace continuities and shifts in the image-making technique over time.o   Strengths and weaknesses of the technique in different periods were evaluated based on criteria such as technical finesse, visual integration with the main text, and innovation in motif design. Discussion 1. Emergence of the Image-Making Technique in the Late Timurid PeriodThe available evidence suggests that the image-making technique emerged during the late Timurid period, particularly in the artistic milieu of Herat. This was a time when manuscript production reached an unprecedented level of sophistication. In the Timurid court ateliers, artists were encouraged to experiment with new compositional strategies and decorative solutions. The technique of image-making appears to be one such innovation, arising from a desire to enrich the visual experience of the manuscript without overcrowding the central text or miniature paintings.In its earliest manifestations, image-making is characterized by relatively restrained and linear motifs placed in the margins of the page. The designs often feature slender trees, delicate floral scrolls, and simple animal silhouettes, carefully arranged so as not to disturb the readability of the text. The emphasis is on the play between positive and negative space: motifs may appear as dark shapes set against a light background or, conversely, as white silhouettes emerging from colored or patterned grounds. This visual duality lends a subtle dynamism to the page and reflects a sophisticated understanding of compositional balance.2. Technical Foundations: Tracing, Transfer, and Spatial DesignThe core of the image-making technique lies in its technical process. The study indicates that scribes and illuminators relied on tracing and transfer methods to reproduce motifs with precision across multiple folios. Preliminary drawings were likely made on separate sheets or templates, which could then be transferred to the manuscript margins using pouncing, light tracing, or direct graphite or ink transfer.Once the outlines were established, artists manipulated positive and negative spaces to enhance the visual effect. In some cases, figures and motifs were filled with solid color or intricate internal detailing; in others, they were left as unpainted silhouettes within a tinted field, allowing the color of the paper or underlying wash to define their shape. This interplay generates a distinctive aesthetic that differs from conventional illumination, where motifs are typically constructed through additive ornament rather than through subtraction or reserved space.Spatially, the technique often respects the rectangular framework of the text block, placing motifs along the vertical margins or within narrow horizontal bands. However, in more ambitious examples, elements extend diagonally or curve around the corners, creating a sense of movement that subtly guides the reader’s eye around the page.3. Zenith in the Early Safavid Period: Patronage and InnovationThe early Safavid period marks the peak of the image-making technique. Under rulers such as Shah Tahmasp, royal patronage of the arts of the book intensified, culminating in celebrated projects like the illustrated Shahnamehs and richly illuminated Qur’ans and poetic anthologies. Within this flourishing environment, image-making evolved from a relatively modest marginal embellishment into a more elaborate and conceptually integrated decorative practice.The role of artistic patrons such as Sultan Ibrahim Mirza, along with court-associated artists including Mawlana Kopak, appears critical in this developmental phase. These figures fostered highly specialized workshops where innovation in technique and style was actively encouraged. The manuscripts examined from the Malek collection show a marked increase in the complexity of image-making motifs during this period. Marginal designs now incorporate more intricate vegetal arabesques, composite floral scrolls, and a broader range of animal figures, including horses, deer, birds, and fantastical creatures drawn from the repertoire of Persian myth and literature.Another notable development is the closer integration of image-making with the thematic content of the text. In some cases, marginal motifs echo the narrative or poetic imagery found in the main text—such as hunting scenes, garden settings, or mythological beasts—thus creating a subtle dialogue between text and ornament. This integration reinforces the narrative or symbolic content of the manuscript while preserving the autonomy of the marginal decoration as an artistic field.4. Strengths and Limitations Across PeriodsFrom a technical perspective, the image-making technique demonstrates several strengths. First, its reliance on tracing and transfer allows for high consistency and reproducibility of motifs, which is advantageous in large, multi-folio manuscripts. Second, the emphasis on positive/negative space creates a distinct visual identity that differentiates these margins from standard gilding or painted borders. Third, the technique can be adapted to varying levels of complexity, from simple silhouettes to densely ornamented compositions, making it versatile for different types of manuscripts and budgetary constraints.However, the technique also has limitations. The dependence on precise tracing and careful alignment means that any error in transfer or execution is readily visible, particularly where motifs intersect with the text frame. Additionally, because image-making often uses reserved or silhouetted forms, it requires paper and pigment of good quality to avoid visual dullness or uneven contrast. Over time, wear, discoloration, or damage to the margins can significantly diminish the legibility of the negative-space motifs.Moreover, the technique’s highly specialized nature may have restricted its use predominantly to deluxe manuscripts and courtly commissions. This specialization, while enhancing prestige, likely limited its broader dissemination among more modest workshops and commercial scribes.5. Gradual Decline and Disappearance in the Qajar EraBy the Qajar period, the image-making technique appears to have gradually fallen into relative obscurity. Several factors may explain this decline. The aesthetic preferences of Qajar patrons increasingly turned toward European-inspired realism, lithographic reproduction, and new forms of pictorial representation. Traditional illumination continued to flourish in certain contexts, but highly specialized techniques like image-making, which demanded intensive manual labor and a high degree of technical discipline, became less central to the visual language of manuscripts.Furthermore, the changing economic and cultural landscape—shifts in patronage, the spread of printing technology, and the transformation of reading practices—reduced the demand for the kinds of luxury manuscripts that had previously provided a natural home for such refined decorative techniques. As a result, image-making survived mostly as an echo in a handful of late specimens, ultimately becoming one of the many “lost” or marginal practices within the broader history of Iranian book art. Conclusion The study of the six manuscripts from the Malek National Library and Museum Institute, supplemented by comparative examination of external collections and auction records, demonstrates that the image-making technique represents a distinct and historically significant chapter in the evolution of Iranian book decoration. Emerging in the late Timurid milieu of Herat and reaching full maturity in the early Safavid period under the patronage of figures such as Shah Tahmasp and Sultan Ibrahim Mirza, this technique combined technical ingenuity—through tracing, transfer, and the manipulation of positive and negative space—with a rich vocabulary of vegetal, animal, and mythical motifs.Artists such as Mawlana Kopak played a key role in developing and disseminating this art, contributing to the visual identity of some of the most refined manuscripts of their time. Yet the very specialization and labor-intensiveness of image-making, together with broader cultural and technological changes, led to its gradual decline and eventual marginalization by the Qajar period.By documenting and analyzing these surviving examples, the present research not only fills an important gap in the scholarship on Iranian illumination but also underscores the need for further systematic study of lesser-known techniques. Such investigations can deepen our understanding of workshop practices, patterns of patronage, and the complex interplay between text and image in the Islamic manuscript tradition. https://museum.aqr-libjournal.ir/article_234104.html The dominance of art institutions over the art world became a significant and challenging issue for preserving the freedom and independence of art and artists from the early 1960s onward. Avant-garde artists of this period—especially those associated with various conceptual art movements—emphasized the necessity of recognizing the decisive role of museums and the need to limit their boundaries. The radical activities of these artists, often arising from a position of “negation,” led to actions that came to be known under the general title of “institutional critique.” However, confronting the role of museums and art institutions in general could not sustain the emancipatory and consciousness-raising effects of institutional critique to the extent necessary to reliably guarantee artistic freedom. Weakening art institutions ultimately reduced support for art and artists’ rights. This crisis, along with the dilemma concerning the future of art, artists, and art institutions—including museums—compelled stakeholders to search for alternative strategies. The aim of this article is to identify alternative institutional strategies for contemporary art and to examine solutions addressing the limitations of institutional critique. IntroductionThe theoretical foundations of institutional critique emerge from institutional theory in art, which emphasizes that what defines an artwork is not its visible characteristics but the context in which it is presented and recognized. The theory underscores that certain individuals within society possess the authority to confer the status of “artwork” upon an object. Thus, the determining factor in recognizing whether something is art lies in its history of reception and institutional framing, rather than in its perceptible qualities. George Dickie’s institutional theory was influenced by Arthur Danto’s essay “The Artworld,” which argued that the difference between Andy Warhol’s Brillo Boxes and actual Brillo soap boxes lies not in their material appearance but in the philosophical and conceptual framework that grants them meaning. Jonathan Harris reminds us that institutions never adopt a neutral position; rather, they operate ideologically, connected to the activities, attitudes, and values of particular groups. Therefore, when encountering art in contexts of distribution and display, one must understand that art institutions are not neutral platforms. They organize, regulate, empower, or exclude both “people” and “art” according to various motivations. After the end of the Cold War and amid global economic transformations, criticism of institutional theory intensified. Commercial galleries gained unprecedented influence, shaping the economic structure of contemporary art to such an extent that participation in the market began to confer greater prestige than national galleries or international biennials. Rosalind Krauss predicted that in the “late capitalist museum,” surplus capital would shape museum collections and artistic production. Museums increasingly adopted investment-like models aligned with art markets rather than functioning as purely cultural institutions. These structural limitations and the dominance of institutional power were perceived by many artists as threats to artistic freedom, ultimately giving rise to radical movements that fundamentally questioned the legitimacy of museums and art institutions.  Research MethodologyThe article adopts a theoretical–analytical, and interpretive approach grounded in critical institutional theory and museum studies. It relies on documentary research, theoretical analysis, and case examination of museum practices.The study analyzes:Institutional theory in art (Dickie, Danto)Critical perspectives on museums (Krauss, Alberro)Radical institutional critique movements of the 1960s onwardAlternative museological strategies implemented in institutions such as Reina Sofía and the Van AbbemuseumBy synthesizing theoretical discourse and practical case studies, the article evaluates the limitations of radical negation and proposes constructive institutional alternatives. Discussion 1. From Institutional Theory to Institutional CritiqueInstitutional theory shifted attention from the intrinsic qualities of artworks to the systems that validate them. However, this theoretical insight soon transformed into artistic activism. Conceptual artists began exposing the ideological frameworks embedded in museum structures. Museums were revealed not as neutral containers but as producers of meaning and power.Artists such as Marcel Broodthaers focused on the museum as an inherently ideological structure composed of cultural, political, and social elements. His strategy involved exploiting the museum’s internal contradictions to critique it from within. 2. Radical Negation and Its LimitsThe radical critique of museums often took the form of negation—rejecting institutional authority altogether. However, complete rejection proved problematic. Weakening institutions reduced financial and structural support for artists. The paradox emerged: dismantling institutions risked undermining the very ecosystem sustaining art.Rosalind Krauss’s analysis of the late capitalist museum further demonstrated that museums had already adapted to market forces. Pure negation was insufficient in confronting such systemic integration with capitalism. 3. The Body, Archive, and Repetition as Alternative StrategiesThe shift toward alternative strategies is visible in museum practices such as those at Museo Reina Sofía. The body became central—politically and socially—reflecting second-wave feminism, performance art, and postcolonial struggles. Museums adopted:Decentering visual cognition and engaging the whole body Emphasizing artistic process over objecthood Redefining art as document and archive Using repetition as a curatorial strategy Promoting critical public education The eighteen-month program “Play Van Abbe” exemplified such experimentation. It divided the museum’s collection into thematic sections, questioning who constructs museum narratives and how historical narratives shift over time. Rather than rejecting the museum, these strategies restructured it internally—transforming it into a self-critical, anti-capitalist, and reflexive institution.  4. Anti-Capitalist Resistance and Self-CritiqueMuseums such as Reina Sofía adopted anti-colonial reinterpretations of history, placing Spanish history within broader international frameworks. Similarly, the Ljubljana Museum resisted capitalist stagnation and presentism by reactivating historical narratives through repetition and re-creation. These examples illustrate a transition from destruction to transformation—from external critique to internal restructuring. ConclusionConceptual art, by rejecting any fixed rule that defined its essence or attributed objective and distinctive characteristics to it, transformed art into something relative, elusive, and inaccessible. Art altered its form according to context to protect itself from the danger of subjugation and appropriation by other domains—domains to which the custodians of art institutions had now also aligned themselves. Nevertheless, revolutionary tension could not continue to such an extent that contemporary art and artists would be left without any secure refuge, and their very existence would be placed at risk. Within the dialectical trajectory of institutional transformations in art, as expected, the critical reassessment undertaken by leading artists and thinkers regarding the potentialities of institutions—especially museums—offered constructive strategies and responses to the fundamental question: Where is the free realm of art? How can art resist, remain independent, and preserve its autonomous position of critique and interrogation in an era in which modern capitalism has absorbed nearly all spheres of human life? The limitations created by the power and interests of art institutions were perceived by many artists as threats to artistic freedom, ultimately giving rise to radical and revolutionary movements that fundamentally challenged the legitimacy of museums and the art institution itself. Yet the dialectical process did not end in mere negation. Instead, it led to the development of immanent critique—forms of constructive institutional intervention that acknowledge the museum’s embedded position within structures of power while simultaneously activating its transformative capacities. Through self-critique, reconfiguration of collections, repetition as a curatorial strategy, re-reading of colonial and geopolitical histories, and engagement with the public sphere, museums can resist full submission to the logic of capital and instead operate as sites of critical cultural production.Thus, the future of artistic freedom lies not in abolishing institutions but in transforming them from within. Museums, when aware of their ideological positioning and structural conditions, can mobilize their resources in support of committed and autonomous art. The preservation of art’s critical and emancipatory potential therefore, depends on a reflexive, self-aware institutional practice capable of negotiating power without surrendering to it. https://museum.aqr-libjournal.ir/article_234109.html Coffeehouse painting is a narrative school of oil painting that flourished during the Qajar period with martial, festive, and religious themes. Among its most significant subjects is the depiction of the Ashura tragedy. The “Noon Ashura” curtain of Hosseiniyeh Kababi in Birjand, dated 1338 AH and registered as a national heritage work, represents the events of Ashura with distinctive formal and narrative features. This study aims to identify and analyze the formal structure and narrative system of this curtain and to compare it with the “Noon Ashura” curtain by Hossein Qollar Aghasi. The research addresses two main questions: (1) What similarities and differences exist between the visual and narrative elements of the two curtains in terms of form and content? (2) How are the depictions of saints (awliya) and villains (ashqiya) differentiated in these works? The research adopts a descriptive–analytical approach using a comparative method. Data were collected through field observation, library research, and online resources. Findings indicate both similarities and significant differences between the two works. The Hosseiniyeh Kababi curtain demonstrates narrative limitation and compositional symmetry with fewer characters, whereas Qollar Aghasi’s work presents a more complex, spiral composition with a higher density of figures and extended narrative scope. IntroductionThe “Noon Ashura” curtain represents one of the most significant expressions of Iranian religious and performative art. Traditionally displayed during mourning ceremonies in Muharram, particularly on Tasua and Ashura, these curtains visually narrate the martyrdom of Imam Husayn and his companions through symbolic and expressive imagery.Coffeehouse painting emerged in late Qajar Iran alongside social and constitutional movements. Unlike court painting, which emphasized aristocratic grandeur, coffeehouse painting was a popular art form rooted in collective religious memory and public spaces such as coffeehouses. It reflected Shi‘i devotion and responded to the cultural needs of ordinary people.The Ashura uprising, one of the foundational events in Shi‘i Islam, profoundly influenced Iranian literature, ritual, and visual culture. Within coffeehouse painting, this event became a central narrative theme.The Hosseiniyeh Kababi curtain in Birjand is the only known signed Ashura curtain in South Khorasan Province. Registered as a national heritage artifact, it holds ritual significance and is treated as a sacred object by local mourners.Similarly, the “Noon Ashura” curtain by Hossein Qollar Aghasi represents a powerful narrative discourse within Iranian religious art. Qollar Aghasi, deeply influenced by Shi‘i beliefs, epic literature such as the Shahnameh, and moral storytelling, depicted sacred history in a symbolic yet accessible manner.This study compares the two works in order to analyze their visual structure, narrative organization, compositional systems, and characterization of saints and villains. Research MethodologyThis study is fundamental in purpose and qualitative in nature. Data were analyzed through a descriptive–analytical, and comparative framework.Information was collected through:Field observation of the Hosseiniyeh Kababi curtainArchival documentation (National Heritage registration files)Library sources on coffeehouse paintingVisual analysis of Qollar Aghasi’s curtainThe research sample was purposefully selected and includes:The “Noon Ashura” curtain of Hosseiniyeh Kababi, BirjandThe “Noon Ashura” curtain by Hossein Qollar AghasiThe analysis focuses on composition, narrative sequencing, characterization, symbolic elements, color palette, spatial organization, and inscriptional framing. Discussion1. Coffeehouse Painting and Ritual Narrative ContextBoth the Hosseiniyeh Kababi curtain and the “Noon Ashura” curtain by Hossein Qollar Aghasi belong to the tradition of Iranian coffeehouse painting, a popular religious art form that emerged during the late Qajar period. Unlike court painting, which served aristocratic patronage and emphasized grandeur, coffeehouse painting developed within public and devotional spaces. It was closely connected to ritual practices such as pardeh-khani (curtain recitation), in which visual images functioned as narrative guides for oral storytelling during mourning ceremonies.Within this framework, Ashura curtains were not passive artworks; they operated as performative visual texts. Their purpose was didactic, emotional, and commemorative. Both curtains under study reflect Shi‘i theology, collective memory, and moral dualism, yet they articulate these themes through distinct formal and narrative strategies. 2. Compositional Structure2.1 Symmetry and Centralization in the Hosseiniyeh Kababi CurtainThe Hosseiniyeh Kababi curtain is structured around a symmetrical and centripetal composition. The visual weight is distributed evenly along horizontal and vertical axes, creating balance across the pictorial field. The principal sacred figures—Imam Husayn and Hazrat Abbas—occupy dominant positions aligned near the center of the composition.Movement within the image converges toward this central axis, reinforcing theological hierarchy and devotional focus. No area of the canvas visually overpowers another. The seven narrative scenes are clearly distinguishable, and their placement ensures visual clarity. This symmetry produces an atmosphere of solemnity and ritual order. 2.2 Spiral Dynamism in Qollar Aghasi’s CurtainIn contrast, Qollar Aghasi’s curtain is organized around a spiral compositional system. Rather than stabilizing the image through symmetry, the artist generates motion through curvilinear flow. The viewer’s gaze circulates across the canvas, discovering successive episodes embedded within the spiral arrangement.The density of figures is significantly higher, and narrative clusters appear in dynamic zones, particularly in the lower and lateral sections. This spiral configuration introduces visual energy and dramatic tension, distinguishing it from the restrained equilibrium of the Kababi curtain. 3. Narrative Scope and Structure3.1 Narrative Limitation and ClarityThe Hosseiniyeh Kababi curtain confines its narrative strictly to the events of Ashura day. It contains seven identifiable episodes, each clearly separated and narratively accessible. Characters are countable, and the storyline unfolds in a contained and sequential manner.This limitation enhances clarity and reinforces the ritual focus on the climactic tragedy of Ashura itself. The viewer is guided through a structured and coherent narrative experience without excessive visual complexity. 3.2 Narrative Expansion and MultiplicityQollar Aghasi’s curtain expands beyond the temporal boundaries of Ashura day. It includes episodes preceding and following the central tragedy, thereby enlarging the historical and emotional scope of the work. Approximately eleven or more scenes can be extracted from the composition.This multiplicity of narratives increases the density of characters and introduces temporal layering. The viewer does not encounter a single climactic focus but rather a network of interconnected events that emphasize the magnitude and continuity of the tragedy. 4. Depiction of Saints and Villains4.1 Shared Iconographic ConventionsBoth curtains adhere to the moral dualism central to Shi‘i iconography. Saints (awliya) are represented with luminous halos, crescent-shaped eyebrows, large expressive eyes, and composed facial expressions. Even in moments of combat, their faces convey serenity and spiritual dignity.Villains (ashqiya), by contrast, are depicted with exaggerated physiognomic distortions—furrowed brows, elongated or drooping mustaches, bulging eyes, and aggressive gestures. These visual contrasts reinforce the ethical polarity between good and evil. 4.2 Differences in Realism and SanctityDespite shared conventions, important differences emerge. In the Hosseiniyeh Kababi curtain, certain sacred figures—particularly prophets—are partially veiled with white cloth to preserve their sanctity. The forms are stylized and relatively simple, emphasizing symbolic meaning over anatomical precision.In Qollar Aghasi’s work, sacred faces are fully rendered and individualized. The physiognomy is more detailed, and the modeling of features reflects a stronger engagement with expressive realism. This approach intensifies emotional impact and enhances narrative immediacy. 5. Use of Color and Pictorial Technique5.1 Restrained Palette in the Kababi CurtainThe Hosseiniyeh Kababi curtain employs vegetal pigments, resulting in a limited and harmonized color palette. The repetition of tones contributes to compositional unity but reduces dramatic contrast. The overall chromatic atmosphere is restrained and devotional rather than theatrical.The decorative border, containing elegiac inscriptions and floral motifs, plays an integral structural role. It frames the narrative both visually and textually, integrating calligraphy and ornamentation into the devotional function of the curtain. 5.2 Chromatic Diversity in Qollar Aghasi’s WorkQollar Aghasi utilizes oil paint, allowing for richer chromatic variation and stronger tonal contrasts. The painterly modeling enhances depth and volume, intensifying the emotional charge of battle scenes. Color functions expressively rather than merely decoratively, contributing to dramatic storytelling. 6. Visual Density and Spatial OrganizationThe Kababi curtain demonstrates controlled spatial organization. Figures are distributed evenly, and empty spaces prevent visual overcrowding. The image maintains equilibrium, and the narrative remains legible.By contrast, Qollar Aghasi’s composition is densely populated. Overlapping figures and layered episodes create visual complexity. This density conveys the magnitude of the historical tragedy but demands more active engagement from the viewer. 7. Comparative SynthesisThe comparative analysis reveals two distinct aesthetic approaches within the same artistic tradition. The Hosseiniyeh Kababi curtain emphasizes symmetry, clarity, ritual containment, and symbolic stylization. Its structure supports devotional concentration and theological hierarchy.Qollar Aghasi’s curtain foregrounds dynamism, multiplicity, expressive realism, and chromatic richness. Its spiral composition and expanded narrative scope create dramatic intensity and emotional immersion.Together, these works demonstrate the flexibility of Iranian coffeehouse painting. While rooted in shared iconographic conventions and religious devotion, the tradition accommodates varied compositional systems and narrative interpretations, reflecting the creative agency of individual artists within a collective sacred framework. Conclusion This comparative study demonstrates that while both curtains belong to the tradition of coffeehouse painting and adhere to its symbolic conventions, they differ significantly in compositional strategy, narrative scope, and visual density.The Hosseiniyeh Kababi curtain presents a structured, symmetrical composition centered on the moral polarity between saints and villains. Its limited color palette, framed inscriptions, and seven discrete narrative episodes create clarity and ritual solemnity. The visual movement converges toward the center, reinforcing theological hierarchy and devotional focus.In contrast, Hossein Qollar Aghasi’s curtain offers a more elaborate and dynamic narrative experience. Its spiral composition generates movement and multiplicity, allowing the inclusion of pre- and post-Ashura episodes. The higher density of figures, richer chromatic variation, and detailed physiognomy enhance dramatic intensity.Both works depict saints with luminous serenity and villains with exaggerated deformity, reinforcing the dualistic moral structure central to Shi‘i iconography. However, the Kababi curtain preserves sanctity through partial veiling, whereas Qollar Aghasi emphasizes expressive realism.Ultimately, the study reveals how two artists working within the same artistic tradition can produce distinct formal and narrative interpretations of a shared sacred theme. The comparison contributes to a deeper understanding of aesthetic diversity within Iranian coffeehouse painting and highlights the importance of systematic formal analysis in this understudied field. https://museum.aqr-libjournal.ir/article_234110.html Zeid al-Nar Mausoleum is one of the prominent tomb buildings in South Khorasan Province, located in Afriz village, Qaen County. This magnificent building recalls the authentic Iranian architectural style, erected over the grave due to the importance and prestige of the buried individual, attracting pilgrims. Contrary to this, little research has been conducted on the architectural aspects of this building, and the present study aims to examine its architectural features relying on field evidence and library studies. In this regard, the authors have tried to first extract all technical and decorative features of the work and finally address its chronology and explanation. The article seeks answers to these questions: 1- Does the buried person's identity match the examination of sources? 2- What period does the building's construction date back to, and what architectural features does it possess? The results of the forthcoming research show that local sources and regional people identify the buried person as Zeid al-Nar; however, some believe Imamzadeh Zeid al-Nar's burial is in Samarra. Regarding the construction date, although local sources state the first structure on the tomb was built during the Abbasid era, the current building underwent major reconstruction during the Safavid period, and Safavid architectural features can be observed in the tomb's decorations and inscriptions. IntroductionThe mausoleums of Imams and Imamzades are among the most important sacred places for Shiites. Examining tomb buildings throughout the history of Islamic Iran shows that the construction of such buildings has a close connection with Shiism. The support and importance of tombs, especially religious ones among Shiites, has been the main factor in forming numerous tomb buildings in Iran and even other Islamic lands. Therefore, what primarily causes the creation of a mausoleum is honoring and glorifying divine symbols and respect for the Prophet (PBUH), Imams (AS), and God's saints. It can be said that from the Shiite perspective, tomb building is one of the clear examples of everything related to God; for this reason, these pilgrimage sites are often referred to as "Bab Allah" (Gate of God). South Khorasan Province in eastern Iran is one of the regions where numerous tomb buildings from the Islamic era remain in various points. This province was part of Greater Khorasan in the past and known as "Qohistan," with historical sources and texts addressing its importance. However, the region's distance from power centers and its special environmental conditions have led to less attention to its cultural and historical values. The continuous presence of Shiites and Sunnis in South Khorasan from the early Islamic centuries to today has caused followers of both sects to build mausoleums to honor their influential and respected figures. From the Seljuk period onward, constructing these buildings became common in Qohistan. Among Sunni-related tomb buildings in this region are the mausoleum of Sultan Ibrahim Reza (AS), Mazar-e Darvish Khasro, Bi Bi Morad Mausoleum, Imamzadeh Seyed Mohammad Taghan, Mazar-e Mulla Mahmud Qalandar in Darmian County, Sultan Zeid Mausoleum in Bajad village of Birjand County, and Mazar-e Gol in Khusf County. With the official establishment of Shiism in the Safavid period, the tradition of tomb building, especially for Imamzades, received more attention from both rulers and people. The Zeid al-Nar Mazar is one such site where major reconstruction occurred in its architecture during the Safavid period. According to most Shiite scholars, Zeid al-Nar is the son of Imam Musa al-Kazim (AS) and brother of Imam Reza (AS) (Khwandamir, 2001, vol. 2: 81) and was also known as Talabi; Zeid al-Nar is the same person who revolted in Basra (Tabari, 1996, vol. 13: 5647). The studied mausoleum is located in Afriz village, Qaen County. Based on local sources and field reports, this work is attributed to Zeid al-Nar, brother of Imam Reza (AS), who, after rebelling against the Abbasids in Iraq and numerous battles, was martyred near Qaen, the center of Qohistan province, and buried there. After this event, this great person's tomb became a symbol of resistance against oppression, attracting people's attention, and over consecutive centuries has always been respected by the public and rulers. Based on remaining inscriptions, the last repairs to the building were carried out during the Safavid period, which was a staunch supporter of Shiites and Imams. The presence of valuable decorations and grand architecture in this mausoleum prompted the authors to examine and reidentify this building and ultimately explain and analyze its technical and decorative aspects.Research MethodologyThis is a descriptive-analytical study aimed at examining the architectural features, historical chronology, and decorative elements of the Imamzadeh Zeid al-Nar mausoleum in Afriz village, Qaen County, South Khorasan Province. The methodology is based on four main axes:Library Research: Review of reliable historical sources including “Baharestan dar Tarikh-e Rejal-e Qaenat va Qohistan” (Ayati, 1371/1992), “Tarikh-e Habib al-Siyar” (Khwandamir, 1380/2001), local Qohistan chronicles, “Majales al-Mu'minin,” and other texts to determine the identity of the buried figure, construction history, renovations, and to resolve discrepancies regarding the burial location (Afriz vs. Samarra).Field Surveys: Multiple site visits by the authors in 1394 (2015), 1397 (2018), and 1398 (2019) for detailed documentation of the twelve-sided plan, cross-shaped interior, entrance iwans, muqarnas work, colored plaster decorations, inscriptions, and materials (stone, gypsum, brick) before and after restorations; recording changes resulting from Awqaf Organization interventions and subsequent Cultural Heritage restorations.Archaeological Sounding and Archival Evidence: Utilization of the 1397 sounding report (Mohammad Reza Soroush) that revealed Ilkhanid-period remains, old photographs from the Cultural Heritage archives, and the registration report (Hassanabadi, 1376/1997).Oral Interviews: Conversations with the cultural heritage expert (Soroush, 1397/2018) and local residents to supplement information on Timurid–Safavid phases and beliefs associated with the ancient pistachio tree.Finally, the data were interpreted through chronological synthesis, comparison with similar mausoleums (e.g., Turanshah in Sarayan), and thematic analysis of Shiite influences in decorations and symbolism (minarets, inscriptions). This multi-method approach enabled a comprehensive reconstruction of the building’s evolution from possible Abbasid origins to major Safavid reconstruction and directly addressed the study’s core questions. Discussion1. Location of Imamzadeh Zeid al-Nar Mausoleum (AS)The Zeid al-Nar Mausoleum is located in Qaen County, Sedeh Section, Afriz District, southwest of Afriz village, 50 km southwest of Qaen. It was registered as a national monument on August 2, 1997, with number 1894. Its geographic coordinates (UTM) are longitude 0685921 and latitude 3703260. This site has been used as the village cemetery from the past to now. Agricultural lands are in the west and south of the mausoleum (Fig.1). It seems the old texture of Afriz village formed in this area, and during contemporary times, its development shifted northwest toward the Birjand-Ferdows road. 2. Construction History of Imamzadeh Zeid al-Nar Mausoleum (AS)The initial construction is attributed to al-Mu'tasim al-Abbasi, who regretted martyring the Imamzadeh. According to a Kufic inscription, al-Mu'tasim's name was inscribed, and this inscription remained until around 800 AH. Later, during the Ghaznavid sultans, Abu Muhammad Hasan ibn Mansur Qayeni, the famous minister of Sultan Mahmud Ghaznavi, who had special devotion to Zeid ibn Musa (AS)'s shrine, made significant efforts in repairing and reconstructing this building (Ayati, 1992: 129).With the emergence of the central and powerful Shiite Safavid government and attention to sacred shrines and Imams (AS), this building also received attention from Safavid kings. Based on the inscription inside the entrance iwan to the dome chamber, this building was reconstructed and built simultaneously with the Safavid period. Later, during the Qajar period and concurrent with the local ruler Amir Alam Khan Heshmat al-Molk, the building was repaired and reconstructed again (Shateri, 2007: 49).Inside the shrine, there was a lantern donated by the Khazimeh family in Nader Shah Afshar's era, with an inscription in poetry (Rajabi, 2005: 145), though no trace remains today. Mirza Khanlar Khan in his Qajar-era travel to the region wrote: "... Here (Afriz) a group of Sayyids from Musa al-Kazim live whose ancestor is Zeid ibn Musa ibn Ja'far (AS), and Imamzadeh Zeid al-Nar is buried here, said to be the son of Musa ibn Ja'far (AS), who rebelled against Ma'mun al-Rashid after Imam Reza (AS)'s martyrdom, defeated some Abbasids, and set their houses on fire, hence nicknamed Zeid al-Nar. Finally, Mu'tasim, Ma'mun's governor of Qaenat, martyred him. The shrine and courtyard were built by Amir Heshmat al-Molk and still unfinished" (Mirza Khanlar Khan, 1972: 293).Based on Islamic written sources before Khanlar Khan, Zeid al-Nar's rebellion occurred during Imam Reza (AS)'s lifetime, not after; after the rebellion in Iraq, he was sent by the Abbasids to Merv to Ma'mun and Imam Reza (AS). The current building has been reconstructed by Qaen's Awqaf and Charity Affairs Office in recent years, with changes to the main courtyard, surrounding porticos, and dome decorations. Later, additions by the South Khorasan Cultural Heritage Organization were removed, and the building underwent major restoration. However, based on existing evidence, the building's construction history can be described as follows: The sounding conducted by Mohammad Reza Soroush, archaeologist of South Khorasan Cultural Heritage Organization, in 2018 refers to Ilkhanid remains. The building was also constructed in the Timurid period (oral interview with Mohammad Reza Soroush). The presence of inscribed and dated gravestones around the mausoleum indicates its importance; including a Timurid gravestone dated 814 AH currently inside the entrance iwan to the dome chamber (Fig. 17).In the Safavid era, major changes and restorations were made, including additions like the northeast iwan based on the building's inscription. In the Qajar period, the building was updated decoratively, and in the final stage, the dome was built, and a symmetrical iwan with the northeast one was added in the southwest by the Awqaf Office. In 2018, after sounding and restoration, this iwan was removed. 3. Description of Imamzadeh Zeid al-Nar Building and Its DecorationsThe mausoleum building is constructed along northeast-southwest with a twelve-sided plan, and its internal plan is cross-shaped (Fig. 2). Entry to the Imamzadeh is through an iwan in the northern front. This entrance has a pointed arch and is adorned with beautiful muqarnas and cross-shaped plasterwork (Fig. 3). The plasterworks are colored in light and dark blue, brown, yellow, green, and orange, executed with carving and diagonal line motifs as narrow bands around the iwan arch. The two side walls of the iwan are also decorated with brickwork in flat and upright patterns and lozenge shapes (Kiani, 1997: 59; Figs. 3 and 4).On the iwan's forehead, geometric decorations are worked in basket-weave, and inside the iwan with shallow nested niches with pointed arches, circular sharp curves (abru), and squinches. On both sides of the iwan, two small iwans are seen; in the right small iwan, a staircase leads to the iwan's roof and architectural spaces previously around the courtyard. This entrance has been restored in contemporary times with a pointed arch and struck covering. Beside this small iwan, from old photos, remnants of a cylindrical tower on the right of the entrance iwan are seen, now destroyed (Fig. 3).The left small iwan, with more originality, is designed as a niche with approximately one meter depth, and a gravestone is in its wall. Behind this space is a room accessible from inside the courtyard. Probably in the past, entry to this space was possible from outside (left of iwan). This space relates to a family grave, now blocked from outside. After the northeast entrance iwan, the courtyard is located, where in the past spaces for pilgrim lodgings and other architectural spaces existed in four sides enclosing the complex's courtyard (Fig. 5).These spaces have been destroyed over time due to natural and human disasters. Based on old photos, some architectural sides around the courtyard had iwans facing the courtyard, with rooms behind. Today, except for the northeast courtyard part (spaces attached to entrance iwan), no trace remains of others (Fig. 6).Behind the entrance iwan, three small iwans are placed, two designed as niches with one meter depth; one has a back space connected to the roof staircase, and the third relates to a space with a grave. These spaces are covered with pointed arches, and simple plasterworks are seen inside the alcoves and under the ceiling. Gravestones are visible inside these alcoves, and graves surround the mausoleum in the courtyard. Spaces for religious gatherings, pilgrim lodgings, sanitary and recreational facilities have been built in the mausoleum courtyard by the Awqaf Office and people in the southeast and southwest sides in recent years. Opposite the entrance iwan is the mausoleum building. The distance from the mausoleum to the northeast iwan (entrance) is 16 meters. The exterior of the mausoleum is plain except for the entrance iwan, with only pointed arch niches for lightening the dome's weight load and shallow small iwans in exterior spaces, some filled over time due to restorations. From old photos, this part had clay-straw plaster, and shallow small iwans and niches in upper walls were around the building.The main materials in wall construction were stone, but in recent two decades by South Khorasan Awqaf and Charity Affairs Office, reconstructed with brick and gypsum plaster. However, recent restoration actions under Cultural Heritage supervision removed the Awqaf's brick facade, and the building was restored in original style. Before Awqaf restoration, a staircase led to the roof on the right of the entrance iwan to the mausoleum. The main entrance to the dome chamber is in its northeast side. Before restoration, two minarets were above the iwan, built in recent decades with cement and metal materials, now demolished for restoration (Figs. 7 and 8). The interior space of the iwan, like the entrance iwan, has beautiful muqarnas and cross-shaped plasterwork. Shallow pointed niches are adorned with sharp arches and paintings in light and dark blue, brown, yellow, green, and orange. Among these decorations, a bird motif is observable (Figs. 9 and 10). After the iwan's forecourt, the dome chamber space with cross plan is placed. In four directions of the interior space, four iwans with muqarnas decorations and adorned niches are present, with the northern iwan having more intricate details (Fig. 11).Each of the four iwans is marked externally with frames whose corners are worked with shamsah. Zeid al-Nar Mausoleum (AS) has a magnificent and tall dome with about two meters stem. This dome is worked in arabesque manner and double-shelled. The central square space, with corner constructions, turns to octagonal and hexadecagonal, finally to circular for the dome covering and stem placement. The central square dome chamber has beautiful shamseh bandings (Fig. 12), and its interior is adorned with gypsum plaster, shallow nested pointed niches, and cornice work. Above the iwans and before the dome base starts, a light opening is placed in each four sides. These light openings are covered with semicircular arches, and above arches and corner constructions, muqarnas plasterwork is done. The main dome was destroyed in the past, replaced by a metal skeleton dome (simultaneous with minaret addition), covered with turquoise square tiles. The building's skirting is also made with marble up to one meter height. In the middle of the mausoleum, a metal shrine is placed (Fig. 13); the previous shrine was sandalwood, 2 meters long and 1.7 meters wide. It should be noted that in the southwest part of the building, symmetrical to the northeast entrance, another entrance is placed (Fig. 14). On both sides of this entrance's interior space, two rooms are built; the right space is now used as a pantry, and the left relates to a staircase leading to the roof. For covering this space, a pointed arch is used, and on both sides, two semicircular arch niches are worked. This iwan and surrounding space were added, built newly during pre-revolution repairs along with the dome. In the sounding around the building by South Khorasan Cultural Heritage Organization in 2018, older architectural remains were discovered, attributed to the Ilkhanid period (conversation with Mr. Mohammad Reza Soroush, 2018).After this sounding, the iwan and entrance were removed, and two minarets attached to the building and beside the entrance were added. Evidence shows these minarets did not have large diameters and probably, besides aesthetic, had application for strengthening and stability of the main wall (Fig. 14). The main materials used in the building were originally stone, clay, and gypsum; but with subsequent reconstructions by Awqaf, other materials like brick, metal, and cement were used. Overall, the building's restoration includes items such as: restoring the mausoleum entrance portal (entrance iwan), reconstructing plaster decorations, flooring, and full revival of northeast and south facades previously executed unprofessionally, full roofing of entrance portal, removing brick facade of parts of south side and re-executing with stone, and finally executing brick parapet based on existing evidence. The building's colored plasterwork was also unprofessionally covered with a gypsum layer during Awqaf restoration, and previous evidence was not preserved, with reconstruction not in original style. Also, tiles used in the dome and iwan were removed, and in restoration operations, new tiles were used, somewhat affecting the building's originality. However, during subsequent restoration operations by South Khorasan Cultural Heritage, Handicrafts, and Tourism Organization, many Awqaf additions and decorative extras were removed, and the building was somewhat reconstructed and restored in past style. It is noteworthy that about 10 meters east of the mausoleum, an ancient pistachio tree is located, to which local people have special belief; they tie cloths to it for fulfilling wishes and believe cutting or destroying it will have irreparable consequences (Fig. 15).The Imamzadeh Zeid ibn Musa (AS) building has three stone inscriptions installed in the northern entrance, inside the entrance iwan to the mausoleum, more than anything revealing the religious, historical, and cultural value of the building. Inscription No. 1: This inscription measures 35 × 120 cm, made of white marble... (Truncated 1728 characters)... Figure 16. Inscription No.1 (Authors, 2015) Figure 17. Inscription No. 2 (Authors, 2015) Inscription No. 3: This inscription is of black stone with five lines. Its dimensions are smaller than the previous two, 34 × 33 cm. The inscription text is as follows: "The construction of this lofty iwan, the blessed shrine of Imamzadeh of the worlds, Zeid ibn Musa (AS), was completed in the time of the king of angelic army, Shah Abbas, by Haydar Husseini. Sweeper of this threshold year 1043 AH." The date inscribed shows the iwan's construction time, concurrent with Shah Safi's reign (1029–1642 CE), but the text refers to Shah Abbas (1588–1629 CE). Probably, restoration began in Shah Abbas's time, and the inscription was installed then. Beside this blessed threshold, great scholars and regional figures are buried, with their gravestones confirming this (Fig. 18). 4. Data AnalysisRegarding Imamzadeh Zeid al-Nar's burial place, there are discrepancies in historical and local sources, each presenting different views. Briefly: In 190 AH, Zeid ibn Musa appeared in Basra and, because he set fire to places he reached, became known as "Zeid al-Nar." After a while, Ali ibn Abu Sa'id, Ma'mun's deputy, arrested and imprisoned him (Ibn Athir, 1992, vol. 16: 255 and 261; Tatavi and Qazvini, 2003, vol. 2: 1456). In "Tarikh Habib al-Siyar," it is stated that Zeid al-Nar took control of Basra during Abu al-Baraya's rebellion on Ahvaz, set fire to Abbasid houses and gardens, Hasan ibn Sahl fought him and captured him. Then sent to Merv to Ma'mun, and Ma'mun sent Zeid to his great brother Imam Reza (AS). Imam Reza ruled but did not speak to him for a long time, and finally Ma'mun poisoned Zeid al-Nar (Khwandamir, 2001, vol. 2: 81).In "Ansab" handwritten manuscript No. 3591 in Astan Quds Razavi Library, Zeid al-Nar had four sons, and his children resided in various regions (Qomi, 2005, vol. 2: 332). In "Muntaha al-Amal," it is also stated that Zeid al-Nar had children. In "Jami' al-Ansab," Sheikh Saduq determined his death at the end of al-Mutawakkil's caliphate (847–861 CE) in "Sar min Ra'a" (Samarra), so probably buried there (Rawzati, 1956, vol. 1: 67). In "Muntaha al-Amal," it is mentioned that Zeid al-Nar went to Basra, burned Abbasid houses, was delivered to Ma'mun by Imam Reza (AS), and finally died in "Sar min Ra'a" poisoned by Ma'mun (Qomi, 2005, vol. 2: 355). Qadi Nurullah Shushtari in "Majales al-Mu'minin" and the author of "Umdah al-Talib" stated that Ma'mun poisoned Zeid in Khorasan, and his burial place is in Merv. But Qohistan historians, including Abu al-Hamid Rubakhi and Muhammad ibn Ali Yaseri, report his burial in Afriz, Qaenat (Ayati, 1992: 128).It is noteworthy that none of the Islamic written sources, except Mohammad Hossein Ayati and Qohistan historians, mention Zeid al-Nar's martyrdom and burial in Afriz, but local people believe the existing mausoleum belongs to Zeid ibn Musa (AS). Also, another mausoleum attributed to Zeid ibn Musa in Qaen city exists, related to descendants of Imam Musa al-Kazim (AS). Regarding the building's construction date, the book "Baharestan in History of Qaenat and Qohistan Men" attributes it to early Islamic centuries; however, no evidence from this era is observed in the current building, and archaeological excavation is needed for certainty. However, limited debris removal in 2018 pointed to Ilkhanid evidence, and it is probable that in the Timurid period, when Shiites gained more freedom, a structure was built here. In this period, relatively many tomb buildings were constructed in South Khorasan, with some plans comparable to Zeid al-Nar Mausoleum; including Turanshah Mausoleum in Sarayan (70 km northwest of Afriz) and Abu al-Mafakhir Mausoleum in old Qaen city, both Timurid-Safavid, with single iwan entrances. In Zeid al-Nar Mausoleum, two entrance iwans are placed in northeast and southwest directions. In contemporary times, two rooms were built in the southwest entrance iwan, causing more protrusion. After 2018 sounding and identifying older remains, these two spaces were removed, and the architectural space retreated slightly toward the dome chamber.Evidence of two columns around this iwan was also identified, and based on this, built up to the iwan edge. Probably, a building existed here in the Timurid period, and in the Safavid era, with Shiism officialized, the building was reconstructed or restored anew. This is mentioned in Inscription No. 3: "The construction of this lofty iwan, the blessed shrine of Imamzadeh of the worlds, Zeid ibn Musa (AS), was completed in the time of the king of angelic army, Shah Abbas, by Haydar Husseini." From this era onward, fundamental changes in architecture and decorations are observed, and courtyard surrounding architectural spaces were also built simultaneous with building repairs.In Shiite mausoleums, decorations from early Islamic centuries to contemporary have always been one of the most important and widely used tools for expressing religious and cultural identity. These decorations are designed to clearly reflect Shiite religious symbols in structure and architectural content, including various arts of plasterwork, brick and tile combination, tilework, mirrorwork, inlay, marquetry, khatam, metalwork on doors and fabric work for shrine and tomb covering, along with religious symbols and motifs like cypress, mountain cypress, and peacock. These elements simultaneously have aesthetic and promotional aspects, with their peak use in Safavid and Qajar periods; as the verbal and religious legitimacy of Safavids in people's acceptance of Twelver Shiism and their role as custodians of this religion strengthened this attention (Abolhasani Taraqi and Tavasoli Kupaei, 2013: 27).Shiites have special attention to decorating mausoleums, and the most important architectural arts are used in these buildings. In Zeid al-Nar Mausoleum building, among decorative arts, paintings in the northeast entrance iwan were present, unfortunately, in recent decades due to unprofessional restorations, a major part destroyed, with only little evidence remaining. The most important decoration used in this iwan is muqarnas work. Another art used in mausoleum architecture is inscription writing. Before Islam, script was the only decorative tool for inscriptions, and after Islam's emergence, artists used Quranic concepts, supplications, and hadiths for building decoration. Calligraphy in Islamic architecture, besides decorative, carries meanings and concepts reflecting social, religious, and cultural conditions of the writing time and showing Muslim artists' creativity and spiritual purity (Shayestehfar and Sarafzadeh, 2010: 91).Zeid al-Nar Mausoleum building has inscriptions that, besides artistic value, provide important information about construction date, restoration, patron, and master architect. Some inscriptions have pictorial motifs like cypress tree; this symbol, sacred before Islam, continued in Islamic periods. In Inscription No. 2, the mausoleum is likened to a garden from paradise gardens, showing its importance among Shiites. Also, inscriptions indicate people's respect for Ahl al-Bayt (AS), such that many greats and scholars are buried around these mausoleums. Besides artistic aspect, inscriptions also have the role of transmitting religious and social beliefs and can be classified and examined by script type, content, color, and material. Based on field examinations and old photos, this mausoleum before restoration had two minarets in the northeast entrance iwan part, demolished during restoration operations.In the 2018 sounding in the southwest entrance iwan part, remnants of two circular columns similar to minarets were identified. Minarets have an important symbol in Islamic architecture; although the word "minaret" is not mentioned in the Quran, it is referred to multiple times in Nahj al-Balagha and Islamic hadiths (14 times in Nahj al-Balagha, Najafi, 2002-a: 64). The presence of two minarets, one right and one left of the mosque, symbolizes belief in Quran and Ahl al-Bayt (AS); these two are lamps guiding seekers to monotheism's abode. Shiites believe in following Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) for reaching truth and Islam's continuity, faith in God's book and Ahl al-Bayt (AS) is necessary: "I leave among you two weighty things, the Book of Allah and my progeny; they will not separate until they meet me at the Pond, and Ali is with the Quran and the Quran with Ali." According to some, minarets are God's two perfect friends, Muhammad and Ali (AS), placed together, embodying God, Prophet, and Ali (AS). ConclusionIn constructing architectural spaces in different periods, besides factors like geography, climate, and culture, religion and religious issues also directly influence styles and features. This influence is more evident especially in religious buildings, particularly tomb architecture. With Islam's spread in Iran and Shiism's expansion in early Islamic centuries, Iranian cities and villages became centers for Imamzades' life and after death, and their mausoleums became pilgrimage sites for enthusiasts, one of the important cultural aspects in people's lives. In terms of religious branches and rulings, Shiites believe building on graves is disliked, but this dislike does not include Ahl al-Bayt Prophet (PBUH)'s mausoleums, believing building mausoleums for prophets and saints is permissible and even strongly recommended. Shiites believe these buildings' existence has no religious prohibition, but is a form of Islam propagation and sign of respect for religious greats, implicitly a confrontation with infidels' destructive propaganda. In many Shiite religious mausoleums, the building is observed within a green and garden-like area with water streams. Although such tomb building style was common in Iran from the past, from Shiite view, this architectural sample symbolizes paradise, and using decorative elements expresses Shiite beliefs and respect for Imams and religious greats. Given that Imam Reza (AS) was crown prince in Ma'mun Abbasid caliph's time, a large number of his acquaintances and relatives migrated to Khorasan, often martyred in clashes with Ma'mun's government. Based on local sources and popular narratives, Imamzadeh Zeid al-Nar (AS) was Imam Reza (AS)'s brother, martyred in Afriz clash with the government by Mu'tasim, Qaen's governor, then Mu'tasim, regretting his act, built a mausoleum over his grave. However, some sources do not mention the buried figure and believe Zeid al-Nar is buried in Samarra. The oldest existing document regarding building construction is an inscription in the entrance iwan indicating this iwan's construction and restoration. Gravestones around the mausoleum, including Inscription No. 2 inside the entrance iwan, show this site's importance in the Timurid period (9th century AH). This evidence indicates a building existed here, and in the Safavid period fundamental changes and restorations were made.Zeid al-Nar Mausoleum with cross plan and notable decorations in entrance iwans to courtyard and also entrance iwan to the Imamzadeh itself is built. The building is in the village cemetery center, perhaps the reason for village formation is this Imamzadeh's existence. Among notable points of this site are several historical inscriptions and gravestones adding to the building's importance. Based on existing evidence, this building had various parts including pilgrim lodgings and architectural spaces around the Imamzadeh. Performed restorations not only affected the main building but also other architectural spaces, in some cases not matching previous evidence. The presence of architectural and decorative elements in the Imamzadeh is the result of Shiite view toward Imamzades. https://museum.aqr-libjournal.ir/article_237540.html The National Library of Paris holds a valuable collection of Islamic manuscripts, particularly a significant number of manuscript Qurans, among which is a Quranic manuscript signed by Yaqut Musta'simi. Yaqut Musta'simi of Baghdad, nicknamed Qiblat al-Kuttab (the Qibla of Scribes), was a renowned calligrapher of the Ilkhanid period, famous for writing Quranic manuscripts in distinguished script. The present study seeks to answer the question: What type of script and decorations does the Quranic manuscript by Yaqut Musta'simi, preserved in the National Library of France, possess? The aim of the research is to access the execution and decorative methods in Quranic manuscripts during the Ilkhanid era (7th and 8th centuries AH). In this article, library resources and a descriptive-analytical method were used to collect information. Based on the studies conducted, it can be concluded that the use of paired and symmetrical decorative pages with arabesque and vegetal motifs, the symmetrical form of the opening pages in terms of gilding, adornment, and the execution of marginal panels, and markers separating verses in the form of six-petaled golden blossoms (gilded) at the end of each verse, form part of the decorative structure of this manuscript. On the other hand, the accompaniment of Kufic script in the inscriptions of the opening pages of the Quran with the fluid flow of Naskh script in the main text demonstrates Yaqut's artistic ability in Quranic book-decoration. IntroductionAfter the beginning of the Islamic period in Iran, calligraphy was strengthened through the transcription of divine verses, and the position of manuscripts in the heritage of Islamic civilization flourished. The necessity of transcribing the Quran prompted artists to work in a spiritual atmosphere with firm belief and their highest ability, resulting in the rapid evolution of book production in Islamic countries (Afshar Mohajer, Vol. 1, 2015: 67). Annemarie Schimmel, a prominent Orientalist scholar, believed that Muslims began writing the Quran from the outset in a way that matched its eternal beauty (Schimmel, 2002: 12).Historical studies have shown that the transcription and adornment of the Quran were common and valued by Muslim artists from the earliest centuries. Also, in Al-Fihrist, Ibn Nadim quotes Muhammad ibn Ishaq that Khalid ibn Abi Hayyaj was the first person in early Islam to transcribe the Quran in beautiful script (Kashmiri, 2024: 39). Calligraphers displayed their best art in writing the divine word and made relentless efforts to beautify the script as the carrier of heavenly speech; in such a way that the visual manifestations of the Quran were embodied in the art of calligraphy. "The art of calligraphy is one of the artistic forms whose duty is to preserve and visualize that exalted religious word" (Shahi, 2015: 76).In other words, calligraphy in transcribing the divine word, usually accompanied by illumination, has been rich in diversity of Quranic writing methods on one hand, and its accompaniment with illumination is considered one of the foundations of book-decoration on the other. Each manuscript corresponds to a historical period and, in addition to providing information about the artists' lives, contains features of book-decoration techniques such as script arrangement and calligraphy, binding, ornamentation, and so on, which attract the attention and study of art historians and researchers. Especially the illumination of opening pages, frontispieces, verse markers, and closing pages of the Quran provide a suitable arena for analyzing and evaluating the stylistic features of Quranic book-decoration.Based on historical reports and scholars' opinions, the art of book-decoration during the Ilkhanid period witnessed numerous changes and transformations and is recognized as an influential period in the process of manuscript decoration. Among the precious collections of ancient manuscripts, one can refer to the treasury preserved in the National Library of Paris, which, according to researchers, currently holds about 1200 valuable manuscripts, with a significant share dedicated to Quranic manuscripts. Among these manuscripts in the National Library of France, there is a manuscript signed by Yaqut Musta'simi with registration number 6716 in the Arabic manuscripts group.Jamal al-Din Yaqut, scribe of the last Abbasid caliph al-Musta'sim, is considered one of the great calligraphers of the 7th century AH. During his time, diverse scripts were established in the Islamic world, and the beauty and firmness of Islamic scripts advanced (Hatam, 2009: 13). He transcribed numerous Quranic manuscripts and strived in the evolution and transformation of the six scripts, especially Naskh script; in such a way that the influence of Yaqut's Naskh script was very remarkable in advancing the field of transcription (Rahpeyma, 2024: 180-182).Currently, valuable manuscripts besides those in Iran are preserved in libraries and museums of other countries worldwide, among which the manuscript section of the National Library of France holds a very valuable collection of manuscripts, especially Islamic ones, which are of great artistic and historical importance. Therefore, the necessity and importance of the research lie in the fact that studying and examining the art of book-decoration and presenting analytical and structured discussions about Quranic manuscripts is one of the essentials of Islamic art studies today. Also, issues such as the history of illumination, execution techniques, artists and their styles, structure of motifs and ornaments, etc., provide the ground for expanding accurate historical and analytical information about manuscript studies. Given that the analysis of decorative elements in this Quran in the field of page decoration during the Ilkhanid period and its influence on the formation of artistic trends in subsequent periods is worthy of discussion and reflection, the present study aims to identify and introduce Yaqut Musta'simi's Quranic manuscript while explaining its visual and aesthetic features of decorations and ornaments. Additionally, this article seeks to answer the main question: What type of script and decorations does Yaqut Musta'simi's Quranic manuscript, preserved in the National Library of France, possess, and what structure do these decorations and ornaments have? Therefore, the illumination, various ornaments, scripts used, and other features of this manuscript will be evaluated and analyzed. Research MethodologyThe present research falls under descriptive-analytical studies. The research scope includes selected pages from Yaqut Musta'simi's Quran with registration number 6716 in the National Library of France; these pages include the opening (illuminated) pages, middle text pages, and closing pages. The research data were extracted from library resources and images available on the Academy of Art website. In the study process, after providing a brief description of Yaqut Musta'simi's artistic life, this Quran was examined in terms of book-decoration features and decorative motifs used in it. Discussion1. Yaqut Musta'simi's Position in CalligraphyJamal al-Din Yaqut, nicknamed Qiblat al-Kuttab, was trained by al-Musta'sim Billah, the last Abbasid caliph; hence he called himself Musta'simi and signed his works with this name. Yaqut Musta'simi created a new style in Naskh script known as "Yaquti Naskh" (Nafisi, 2020: 10). He practiced for a long time from Ibn Bawwab's script. What is noteworthy about this calligrapher is "his productivity and speed in writing and teaching" (Soltani, 1992: 14).In the treatise Principles and Rules of the Six Scripts by Fathullah Sabzevari about Yaqut, it is stated: "He followed Ibn Bawwab in principles, made some modifications, created a trimmed pen, made the strokes thin, and surpassed Ibn Bawwab" (Qalichkhani, 2016 230). Qiblat al-Kuttab "perfected the script and incorporated all its rules into one poem; that poem is: ascent and climbing, descent and sending" (Rafiei Mehrabadi, 1966: 80).He had a great interest in transcribing the Holy Quran; as historians have said, he wrote three hundred and sixty-four Qurans. Also, numerous pieces, albums, and books from his works and handwriting are found in libraries in Iran and the world. It should be recalled that the antiquity of Naskh dates back to the early centuries of Islam's emergence and played the greatest role in transcribing the Holy Quran in historical evolution (Rahpeyma, 2024: 183). On the other hand, this script included a writing system that provided an important basis for ease in reading the Quran (Najarpour Jabari and Qorbaniyan, 2023: 147).Yaqut's students, known as the Seven Masters, include: Mawlana Mubarak Shah Sayfi, Mubarak Shah Qutb, Mawlana Ahmad Sohrevardi, Mawlana Arghun, Mawlana Abdullah Sayrafi, and Mawlana Yahya Sufi; "each of whom perfected their own art in script and were considered celebrities of their time" (Rafiei Mehrabadi, 1966: 81). After the Mongol invasion of Baghdad, Yaqut came under the protection of Ata Malik Juvayni and remained in Baghdad until the end of his life. His death occurred in 698 AH. 2. Examination of Book-decoration Features of Yaqut Musta'simi's Quran Preserved in the National Library of Paris2.1. General Specifications of the ManuscriptAccording to experts, calligraphy, illumination, and binding are three fundamental components in the art of Quranic book-decoration, and Ilkhanid Qurans, in addition to their manuscript value, are among the most precious artistic works of the Islamic era due to their page layout and illumination features (Sarikhani et al., 2014: 8-12).Among the Quranic manuscripts in the National Library of France, there is a manuscript dated 688 AH signed by Yaqut Musta'simi, the famous calligrapher of the late 7th century, with registration number 6716. This manuscript is written in Naskh script on Eastern paper and has 211 folios measuring 191 by 155 millimeters. Except for a few folios, the other pages consist of 16 lines in black ink. The binding and cover of the manuscript have been restored several times over the centuries. The added folios at the beginning of the manuscript, containing notes and colophons with various dates, indicate that the last Iranian owners of this work were Qajar princes.The type and decorations of the cover of this manuscript include brown leather with toranj and half-toranj motifs, and the cover is bound and restored in the Eastern style.The exact date of the manuscript is specified based on the calligrapher's colophon. In Yaqut Musta'simi's colophon, the first decade of Muharram 688 AH ("the first ten days of Muharram in the year eight hundred and eighty-eight") is mentioned, but no reference is made to the place of transcription and formation of the manuscript. Based on the colophon, the completion date of this work's transcription was Muharram 688 AH; that is, ten years before Yaqut's death in 698 AH. 2.2. Calligraphy of Yaqut's QuranAccording to manuscript experts, this work is of great importance in terms of script and calligraphy, in addition to illumination (gilding), motifs, and page layout; such that examining calligraphy is effective in evaluating the evolutions of Quranic writing. Naskh is one of the six scripts of calligraphy that has been widely used especially in Quranic transcription. Yaqut, by reforming Naskh script, established a special method in transcribing the noble manuscript; in such a way that Quran writing with Naskh flourished despite Yaqut's efforts in beautifying the six scripts, and his transcription method continued for years (Najarpour Jabari, 2024: 148).It should be noted that the surviving Qurans from the early centuries of Islam were in Kufic script, and the oldest Quran in a script other than various Kufic styles is the famous Chester Beatty Quran transcribed by Ali ibn Hilal, known as Ibn Bawwab, in 391 AH in Naskh script (Hasheminejad, 2022: 27). The text of Ibn Bawwab's Quran is transcribed in Naskh script; in such a way that words are written very close together, and chapter headings are transcribed in Thulth script (Khazaei, 1999: 72).It seems that the power of Yaqut's pen in transcribing Naskh in the Quran in the National Library of Paris stems from the special proportion between letters, spacing between letters, words, and lines, to the size of letters, diacritics, and punctuation; these are among the provisions of his script and calligraphy in the page layout of the Ilkhanid manuscript.On the other hand, the use of Kufic script in inscriptions along with decorations and motifs is also a characteristic of this work. In the inscriptions (frames), the title of the opening pages of Yaqut's Quran uses Kufic script; such that in the first inscription, with white color, the word "Fatihah al-Kitab" and the letter "B" are written in the central inscription. Also, in the oval-shaped inscription on the other side, the phrase "Sab' Ayat" is written. In another inscription on the main Fatihah page, within a rectangular frame, the name of Surah Al-Baqarah and the number of verses are written in dark lapis lazuli.With this explanation, it can be acknowledged that previously, the visual diversity resulting from the dissimilarity of the Quran text script and inscriptions was also executed in Ibn Bawwab's manuscript; such that the chapter name, unlike the Naskh script of the text, is sometimes written in Thulth or Naskh in the inscription space, and this point itself is a tradition in Quran writing after Ibn Bawwab (Farid, 2022: 41, 43). 2.3. Opening Decorative PagesThe two opening pages of the manuscript (initial pages) are adorned with decorative pages. The decorative pages are paired and symmetrical, along with geometric motifs and colors of gold, blue, red, black, and green. Precise geometric divisions with complex and orderly structure, in a rectangular and vertical frame, are among the distinctive features of 7th-century AH manuscripts. It seems that the adjacency of parts of arabesque and vegetal elements with complex geometric structures forms part of the page layout framework of these manuscript pages. This method in the geometric page structure of earlier works was completed by Ilkhanid artists' illumination; such that the middle space of precise geometric divisions has reached moderation with vegetal elements (Kashmiri, 2024: 69).In the Dar al-Kutub in Cairo, the Uljaytu Quran (713 AH) transcribed and illuminated by "Abdullah ibn Muhammad ibn Mahmud Hamadani" is preserved, whose opening pages illumination style is a more complete example of this method. In the 3rd century, the circle shape played an important role in decorative pages, and in subsequent periods (4th and 5th centuries) it evolved into a more complex and artistic style (Kashmiri, 2024: 50). In the Ilkhanid Yaqut Quran, the division and decoration of pages are based on octagonal shapes, while in the Uljaytu Quran, a six-pointed star in the center along with other hexagonal geometric adornments forms the page structure.Unlike the design of opening pages in the 5th and 6th centuries, which were mostly based on geometric structures, decorative pages in Ilkhanid works are divided based on geometric patterns and, adjacent to arabesque elements and vegetal motifs, have become one of the distinguishing features of page decoration art. In previous periods, "peripheral frame decorations were only done with regular geometric shapes" (Kashmiri, 2024: 70), but in Yaqut's Quran, delicate vegetal decorations around the page are another outstanding feature of this Ilkhanid work. The black margin with golden flowers demonstrates the illuminator artist's mastery in executing vegetal adornments. The marginal panel of decorative pages is executed similar to the structure of Mesopotamian (Between the Rivers) flowers and abstract decorations. 2.4. Frontispiece (Fatihah)Frontispiece pages, after the title page, are considered the gateway to the Quran, and artists throughout history have strived to execute them in the most beautiful manner (Najarpour Jabari, 2024: 148). In most Ilkhanid Qurans, frontispiece pages are fully illuminated and covered with various geometric, vegetal, and decorative motifs (Sarikhani et al., 2014: 13). These pages, which have the most delicate decorations and layouts, add to the work's prestige.The 6th and 7th centuries AH are the eras of forming symmetrical Fatihah pages; a tradition that became widespread in Quran decoration from the late 8th centuries onward to today. Therefore, in the 6th and 7th centuries, numerous Qurans with symmetrical Fatihah pages and some with single Fatihah pages are observed. "In most Qurans, the decorations of the Fatihah page and the opposite page (the page containing the first verses of Surah Al-Baqarah) are among the most elaborate and beautiful pages of the Quran, executed in pairs and symmetrically" (Kashmiri, 2024: 173). In this Quran with a single frontispiece, the first page includes the entire Surah Al-Fatihah and the beginning verses of Surah Al-Baqarah.Unlike many single-frontispiece Qurans (like the Chester Beatty Quran), the artist in the National Library of France manuscript has also adorned the second page similar to the frontispiece with decorations and created a symmetrical form in the execution of gilding and illumination of the frontispiece pages of this manuscript. However, in terms of verse transcription, this page is different and deviates from the symmetrical form.In the main frontispiece page of Yaqut's manuscript, although symmetrical upper and lower inscriptions are executed according to the prevalent tradition of this period, a simple inscription is also seen in the middle of the page; this inscription, in the framing method of the first four centuries Islamic manuscripts and simpler than the upper and lower page inscriptions, is executed due to the placement of the beginning of Surah Al-Baqarah in this location.The title inscriptions (frames) in the frontispiece pages of this manuscript are horizontal and according to the method of 5th and 6th-century manuscripts (Seljuk period), executed with three-part divisions and vegetal background, containing surah information. Thus, two lateral oval inscriptions and a central circular inscription are designed. 2.5. Marginal Adornment (Panel)Adornments and marginal panels in some manuscript pages' side decorations are designed in the Mesopotamian style (Between the Rivers), which are diverse in terms of ornamentation and illumination. Further, it seems that the most decorations in this Quran after chapter headings are held by the marginal panels of the pages. 2.6. Verse MarkersSome researchers consider the beginning and introduction of Quranic illumination as efforts to specify verse and surah boundaries (Kashmiri, 2023: 41). End-of-verse markers, aimed at determining the end of each verse, marking the end of every five verses, and displaying the end of every ten verses, are among the most important features distinguishing Quran decoration methods. "Markers initially appeared functionally, but over time, they evolved from simple and functional to more decorative, delicate, and luxurious" (Ghafourifar et al., 2022: 71). In other words, these markers have both numbering utility and aesthetic value (Rafiei, 2023: 39).These markers in the 1st and 2nd centuries were executed by the calligrapher with a pen during Quran transcription, but afterward, decorating these markers was entrusted to the illuminator artist (Gazikinjad and Sheikhi, 2023: 17). Consequently, with the expansion of page decoration actions, simple and undecorated markers that displayed verse ends gradually became more adorned. In such a way that in this Yaqut manuscript, like all Quranic manuscripts of this era, end markers for adorning verses and surahs and specifying their boundaries are placed beside lines for every five and ten verses; and separation markers are executed in the form of six-petaled golden blossoms with black outlining and lapis lazuli center. 2.7. Closing Page (Colophon)The colophon (closing page) is the final part of the book where the scribe wrote information related to the manuscript's formation, called the colophon. Colophon writing became a widespread tradition in the 5th and 6th centuries AH, forming the end part of the final page in a rectangular shape (Kashmiri, 2024: 66).The colophon writing method in the Ilkhanid period continued the style of previous periods, and the colophon text, with or without framing, was transcribed in rectangular forms and sometimes adorned with compatible decorations and coloring. In this Yaqut work, the colophon lacks framing, transcribed in a rectangular form in four lines, which at the end has gained a striking appearance with a beautiful and elaborate toranj. Among framed colophon writing examples where the scribe, Ibn Bawwab, mentioned his illumination, one can refer to the Chester Beatty Quran, which according to the colophon was transcribed and illuminated in 391 AH. Also, in the closing page (colophon) of Yaqut's Quran, the last page of this work, which includes the frame (inscription) of Surah An-Nas without internal divisions, has decorations different from other pages.The title frame of the last surah in Yaqut's manuscript is an adorned inscription with marginal adornment, coloring, and beautiful processing that well displays the creativity and delicacy of the artist of that period.The title frame of Surah An-Nas, which includes the phrase "Sadaqa Allah...", is designed symmetrically. Despite the difference in length and height of the two phrases written in these frames, the artist has created a symmetrical form by observing color schemes and adornments, and paying attention to the overall division shape of the inscription and the vegetal decorations used (Word count for Discussion: 752). ConclusionYaqut Musta'simi's noble manuscript in the treasury of the National Library of France is of great importance in terms of illumination, Quran decoration method, and values of script and calligraphy, and examining the transcription and ornaments of this work provides access to the characteristics of decorations and scripts used in Quran transcription during the Ilkhanid era. Despite the lack of access to the original manuscript, the illuminated opening pages, middle text pages, and closing pages available on the Academy of Art website were examined. Also, this research, through analysis and comparison with works from other centuries, revealed the execution methods and decorations in Quranic manuscripts during the Ilkhanid era and its historical position in the context of book-decoration evolutions, which ultimately led to the following results:Among the provisions of Yaqut's art of script and calligraphy in the page layout of this manuscript is its transcription with Naskh script; a script other than Kufic types that were used in Quran transcription in the early centuries AH. In addition to the Naskh script of the text, the use of Kufic script in the title inscriptions of opening pages is also seen, which has added to the visual appeal of the pages.A noteworthy feature of the decorative pages of this manuscript is the division and arrangement based on octagonal shapes along with arabesque and vegetal motifs, which have been executed more complexly and artistically compared to previous periods. In addition, the peripheral marginal frame of these pages is adorned with delicate vegetal decorations; whereas in previous centuries, geometric shapes were mostly used for decoration. In this Quran with single frontispiece pages, the artist has adorned the second page similar to the frontispiece and created a symmetrical form in the execution of gilding and illumination of the frontispiece pages.In this Yaqut work, the initial and simple separation markers of verses in the early centuries have given way to six-petaled golden blossoms at the end of each verse. The execution of adornments and marginal panels similar to Mesopotamian (Between the Rivers) motifs also forms part of the book-decoration art structure of this manuscript. The colophon text is transcribed without framing, and its rectangular shape is decorated with a beautiful toranj.In conclusion, it is worthy to recall that examining the structure and methods of calligraphy and illumination of manuscripts existing in museums and treasuries worldwide provides a suitable platform for introducing the rich history of book-decoration art in Iran. It is hoped that searching for similar examples and analyzing them can be influential in presenting efficient and innovative patterns in contemporary book-decoration art. https://museum.aqr-libjournal.ir/article_237541.html The present study was conducted with the aim of examining and analyzing the motifs used in the buildings of the Safavid period with a contemporary approach. In this regard, efforts have been made to identify, classify, and simplify the various manifestations of Safavid architectural decorative art, especially in the domains of geometric, vegetal, calligraphic, human, and animal motifs, to enable their utilization in contemporary designs. The importance of this topic stems from the fact that reviving Iranian-Islamic cultural identity and aesthetics in the face of globalization challenges and the infiltration of foreign cultures requires rereading and reinterpreting the authentic artistic heritage of the past. The present research, adopting an analytical-historical method and utilizing library documents and field studies, examined several exemplary buildings from the Safavid era and, while analyzing decorative elements, considered their practical capacities in contemporary environments. The results indicate that Safavid architectural motifs, despite their traditional structure, possess high potential for application in modern spaces and can provide a rich foundation for identity-oriented designs in contemporary times. IntroductionExamining the motifs and ornaments of Safavid era buildings with the aim of contemporization is an effort to reread the visual heritage of one of the most flourishing periods of Islamic art and architecture in Iran. The Safavid period, centered in Isfahan, witnessed fundamental transformations in decorative arts, particularly in architecture, resulting in the formation of a collection of geometric, vegetal, linear, and pictorial motifs with a cohesive, symbolic, and profoundly meaningful structure (Mansouri Jazabadi et al., 2017). These motifs, which are the product of the fusion of religious, mystical, and aesthetic thoughts, possess potential capacities for presence in contemporary design spaces; especially since in today's world, there is an increasing need to redefine cultural identity through visual forms (Ghani Zadeh Hessar and Najafgholi Pour Kalantari, 2016). Among these, Safavid geometric motifs hold a special position (Harouni Jamaloui and Kabiri Samani, 2017). These motifs, based on repetition, symmetry, and the combination of simple geometric shapes such as circles, squares, and triangles, not only express cosmic order and harmony but also, with a universal language, have the adaptability to contemporary design principles. The geometry of these motifs, due to their abstract nature, allows reproduction in diverse design formats, such as environmental graphics, product design, packaging, and interior architecture. Simplicity amidst complexity is a feature that turns these motifs into adaptable elements in the realm of modern design (Barzigar Laiq and Mirza Kuchak Khoshnevis, 2015). Vegetal motifs, rooted in pre-Islamic Iranian traditions and evolved during the Safavid period under the influence of Chinese and Islamic art, represent manifestations of life, movement, and nature. The use of Khatai flowers, Eslimi leaves, symbolic trees, and curved compositions creates a poetic and dynamic space that, with form simplification, has the potential for utilization in modern design. These motifs have high potential for presence in clothing design, furniture, decorative vessels, and cultural space design. On the other hand, calligraphy lines as one of the prominent visual elements in Safavid buildings carry meaningful and cultural messages presented in an aesthetic form (Mansouri Jazabadi et al., 2017). The application of Kufic, Thuluth, Naskh, and Nastaliq scripts in tilework decorations, inscriptions, and interior surface adornments provides a suitable pattern for designing brand visual identity, advertising graphics, and cultural symbols in the contemporary world. The integration of script form and its meaningful content is a fundamental factor in creating a link between past and present. Examining Safavid motifs and ornaments with the aim of contemporization is not limited to mere visual representation; rather, it is a creative process that requires a precise understanding of the structure, meaning, and historical context of these motifs. Successful contemporization is achieved when traditional elements are reinterpreted not through mere imitation but through purposeful and faithful recreation to their cultural essence in new contexts (Ghani Zadeh Hessar and Najafgholi Pour Kalantari, 2016). In this path, analytical-field researches like the present study can act as a bridge between the artistic heritage of the past and contemporary design needs, paving the way for the revival of cultural identity in today's global context (Harouni Jamaloui and Kabiri Samani, 2017). In today's Iranian society, given the cultural fabric influenced by foreign cultures, especially Western culture, one can recreate cultural identity and history in line with available possibilities by introducing and promoting cultural manifestations—that is, applying practical arts with national and Islamic characteristics in living environments. By recognizing the aesthetics of visual elements in Iranian civilization and introducing and applying them in the field of visual communication, one can create a self-sustaining personality at national and international levels in cultural, social, and economic arenas. The traditional arts of this land in various periods have been shaped under the influence of Islamic culture's emphasis on knowledge, utility, and positive approach to utilizing arts. Among the features of art established in the Safavid period—one of the prosperous and flourishing periods of Iran's traditional arts—is the emphasis on the two principles of Shiism and nationalism in artistic decorations. Given the abundance and expansion of geometric motifs in Islamic art (to avoid imitating nature), these motifs possess a unified order and harmony and, in terms of content, refer to the concepts of "multiplicity in unity" and "unity in multiplicity"—fundamental to Islamic thought. It seems that the completely abstract and conceptual designs of geometric motifs, at a time when their artistic language is pure abstraction, have played a greater role in the development of Islamic culture and art. Research MethodologyThe present research adopts an analytical-historical and comparative approach, striving to delve into the visual and conceptual structures of decorative motifs in Safavid era architecture and, with a comparative perspective, examine their capabilities for application in contemporary design. This research is diverse and rich in methodology and data collection approaches. To achieve a deep and documented understanding of the studied motifs, documentary and library methods were utilized, including the examination of written historical sources, artistic treatises, travelogues, and previous studies in the field of Islamic architecture. These sources provided the necessary theoretical and conceptual framework for motif analysis and offered a structure for comparative study between past and present to the researcher. Alongside the examination of written sources, the field section of the research held significant importance. In this stage, several prominent buildings from the Safavid period, such as Imam Mosque, Sheikh Lotfollah Mosque, Ali Qapu Palace, and other historical works in Isfahan, were selected as case studies. These buildings were chosen not only due to their antiquity and artistic value but also because of the diversity and richness of decorative motifs, allowing direct observation of various patterns of geometric, vegetal, linear, and pictorial motifs. In field visits, through photographic registration, drawing, and analysis of existing motifs, efforts were made to identify and categorize the main structures of Safavid architectural decorations. These motifs were classified based on type, application, location, and visual features and then simplified. The goal of this simplification was to reduce executive complexities and abstract forms for adaptation to contemporary design language; in such a way that the spirit and essence of the motifs are preserved, but their form gains the capability for recreation in new contexts. In the simplification process, criteria such as maintaining proportions, visual clarity, repeatability, and alignment with modern design technologies were considered. This action is a practical step toward contemporizing motifs and can provide the ground for utilizing these elements in graphic design, contemporary architecture, urban furniture, packaging, and other branches of applied arts. This part of the research created an experimental foundation for testing the practical capabilities of historical motifs in the context of modern design and established a tangible link between theoretical and applied studies. Thus, the present research not only addressed the scientific and analytical recognition of Safavid architectural motifs but also, with a forward-looking perspective, took a step toward their creative recreation in the realm of contemporary design. Discussion1. Theoretical Foundations: Art and Architecture of the Safavid PeriodThe long reign of Safavid kings promised extensive support for architecture, but the realization of these promises was intermittent and discontinuous. For instance, between 1520 and 1590 AD, few prominent and striking buildings were constructed. However, the ambitious endeavors of Shah Abbas I fundamentally transformed Safavid architecture, infusing it with a new spirit of order, direction, and planning; such that Imam Square and its associated buildings are just one example of this widespread flourishing. His courtiers also followed this pattern and transformed the urban landscape by constructing dozens of new buildings. Thus, Isfahan was able to compete with Istanbul and Delhi, the great capitals of the Islamic world, for a short time. Radial symmetry on a human scale was employed in buildings like Hasht Behesht Palace and Khwaja Rabee Tomb. The sequential repetition of a specific unit emphasized the building's scale and structural unity. Symmetrical repetition of main elements became a common pattern and showed the greatest impact, especially on large scales, such as schools, side dome chambers, and winter halls of Imam Mosque. At a more internal level of this repetition system, the distribution of water channels (like in Mashhad Shrine and Madar-e Shah School in Isfahan) and, based on an ancient tradition, the use of decorative framing as space-organizing elements were emphasized. 2. Classification of Motifs: Geometric MotifsGeometry in the Islamic world holds a special position and importance, as geometric shapes and structures are linked to symbolic, cosmic, and philosophical concepts, gaining meanings beyond mere formal aspects. In Islamic architecture, adherence to geometric principles in plans and facades is the basis for creating visual harmony and order; an order that is one of the fundamental characteristics of Islamic art. Geometry-based decorative designs extensively covered architectural surfaces and usually filled empty spaces with twisting and stylized vegetal motifs and floral patterns within a geometric framework (Wilson, 2000). One reason for the widespread use of geometric and Eslimi motifs is their expandability, which attracted Muslim artists due to their continuous and endless covering capability. Geometric shapes were even used in Quran illuminations, and this method was particularly common in Quranic manuscripts of the 13th and 14th centuries AD. These intricate and eye-catching motifs, while having a simple structure, are formed from the repetition of basic units like circles, squares, and triangles. These designs can easily be enlarged or reduced, and by repeating divisions, adding straight and curved lines, and combining patterns, infinite new geometric compositions and arrangements can be created (Wilson, 2000). 3. Classification of Motifs: Vegetal MotifsThe history of using vegetal motifs in Iranian art dates back to pre-Islamic eras, and during the Sassanid period, the image of the sacred tree was widely used. Although vegetal designs were sporadically present in pre-Islamic Iranian art, their prominence and superiority became evident in the Islamic period, largely owing to the influence of Chinese art. Some researchers trace the origin of vine leaves to Egypt. In their simple form, these decorations included curved petals on both sides of a wide central section, forming the basis of one of the most common motifs in the world, the palm leaf. When this motif was divided into two halves and connected to a spiral or wavy vine—likely an innovation in Egypt or Mesopotamia—a variety of decorative motifs emerged (Wilson, 2000). According to Zaki (1987), the most important vegetal shapes used in decorating Iranian industries include small flowers with palm-like interiors (palmettes), lotus flowers, botehs, pomegranate trees, and leaves of other trees. Naturally, these vegetal motifs, like other Islamic art methods, underwent changes by artists, distancing from natural resemblance and becoming governed by formal order and refinement. Early flowers and botehs were completely conventional, and this presentation method continued until the end of the Seljuk period, i.e., until the beginning of the 13th century AD (Ettinghausen, 1992). During the Seljuk period, metalworkers and craftsmen managed to create a harmonious fusion between vegetal and geometric shapes and use them simultaneously. Among the most important vegetal elements of this period are vine leaves and acanthus plants (Zaki, 1987). After the Mongol invasion and the expansion of trade relations with China, many new vegetal decorations were added to the visual elements of Islamic art (Wilson, 2000). From the mid-13th century AD onward, Iranian art is filled with diverse floral and vegetal motifs that, although not necessarily representing specific plant species, have always been regarded as beautiful flowers. From the mid-14th century AD, masterful representations of natural landscapes for historical or legendary narratives also took shape, examples of which are observable in various carpets and often evoke the image of the Iranian garden in the viewer's mind (Ettinghausen, 1992). 4. Classification of Motifs: Calligraphic MotifsWith the advent of Islam and due to the sacred position of the Quran among Muslims, Quran transcription became a sacred act, leading to special attention to writing methods and techniques. Consequently, script and calligraphic motifs emerged not only as writing tools but as one of the most important decorative elements in Islamic art. With the spread of Islam, Arabic script became prevalent throughout Islamic lands and quickly gained a distinguished position in aesthetics and decoration. This script was not only used for recording names and dates but was employed by Iranian craftsmen and other Islamic societies in architecture, graves, tilework, and metal industries as a decorative element (Zaki, 1987). The first Quran copies were likely written in the early 7th century AD, and from the 8th century AD, Kufic script emerged as the most important type. Kufic is a relatively simple script with emphasis on horizontal letter structures and, besides transcription, was used in decorating fabrics, carvings, and metal and pottery vessels. In these decorative applications, straight lines were combined with vegetal motifs or even human figures (Wilson, 2000). Angular scripts evolved from initial rounded and carved scripts and were mostly used for non-religious purposes. In the early decades of the Abbasid era, the number of these scripts increased, and by the end of the 9th century AD, more than twenty types of angular scripts were in use. During this period, Muhammad ibn Muqla, the prominent Baghdad calligrapher, devised a system for determining letter proportions and sizes, leading to the formation of six standard scripts (Wilson, 2000). These include Thuluth, Naskh, Tawqi', Riqa', Muhaqqaq, and Rayhan, among which Thuluth gained the most decorative aspect. Despite the emergence of these scripts, Kufic still retained its application. It is worth noting that Iranians showed less attention to the decorative use of transcription until before the 10th century AD (Zaki, 1987). The application of calligraphic motifs as decorative and functional elements reached its peak especially in mosques, and calligraphy found widespread presence in pottery, metal vessels, doors, pulpits, and other artistic works; such that some works, like Nishapur pottery, are easily identifiable due to these inscriptions (Ettinghausen, 1992). The Safavid period is one of the most brilliant eras of calligraphy flourishing in Iran, largely owing to the art patronage and calligraphy skills of some Safavid sultans. Shah Ismail, the founder of the Safavids, like some kings and princes of Iran, Ottoman, and India, was a capable calligrapher; including Ahmad Jalayir, Baysunghur Mirza, Shah Tahmasp I, and Dara Shikoh (Ettinghausen, 1992). Another important factor was the positive attitude of Shia scholars toward calligraphy, which led to the prevalence of script education alongside Quran and Persian literacy in schools and mosques (Zimiri, 1994). In the Safavid period, calligraphy gained more independence from illumination and miniature painting, and Siyah Mashq was popularized by Mir Emad. Additionally, inscription writing in architecture and other arts, including metalworking, weaving, and carpet weaving, gained a special position and became one of the main elements of visual expression in Safavid arts. 5. Classification of Motifs: Human and Animal MotifsThe use of human figures and various animals in Iran has been common since ancient times, but with the advent of Islam and the imposition of some restrictions, human imagery was temporarily limited in certain spaces. However, caliphs did not hesitate to adorn their palaces with such motifs, and in Iran too, except in religious places like mosques and Qurans, this issue was not much emphasized. In contrast, animal motifs continued, especially in decorating vessels and artistic works. Interest in animal imagery is one of the prominent features of Iranian art and has a notable presence in fields like miniature, painting, and Tash'ir; such that in the works of Kamal al-Din Behzad and his students, humans and their actions are at the center of attention. Animal motifs, whether real, imaginary, or composite—some of which entered Iranian art from other cultures—gained a special position after Islam and are abundantly seen in Iranian decorative works. These motifs have played an important role in Iranian decorative arts from ancient times to the present and have always carried metaphorical meanings. After Islam, with restrictions on imagery, animal motifs continued their existence with changes in symbolic meanings and preserved their position more in folk art than official art. People's visual memory is intertwined with symbols like lions, Simurgh, and horses, and these motifs are unconsciously reproduced in handicrafts and daily products; for example, the lion motif is seen in carpets, grave sculptures, and even lock molds (Tanavoli, 2006). 6. Geometric Motifs in Famous Safavid BuildingsChaharbagh School, Isfahan: This mosque is the last important building of the Safavid period, built almost a century after Shah Mosque, between 1704 and 1714 AD by Shah Sultan Hussein, the last king of this dynasty. Although the school has remarkable architectural integrity, the quality, color, and execution of tiles vary significantly. In terms of shape and decorations, its high domed ceiling is similar to other Safavid mosques. Column bases are decorated with ordinary geometric designs and white tiles on a turquoise background, but the protruding iwans display the grandeur and richness of the architecture. The floral design is repeated in almost all arches, with its veins highlighted by a double gold line. The mosque's dome is completely covered with mosaics, and at its pinnacle, a large star with delicate gold finishing is visible, creating a stunning effect harmonious with Safavid architectural style. Hakim Mosque, Isfahan: This mosque was built on the order of Hakim Mohammad Dawood, physician to Shah Abbas II, between 1656 and 1662 AD. The qibla mosque is dome-shaped, with a shabestan with soffeh and iwan on its east side; opposite the qibla iwan are two other iwans and two large mahtabis. The old pool has been restored and modernized. The mosque is brick-built with limited tilework. This building was constructed on the ruins of the Daylami "Jurjir" Mosque, and the only remaining part of that old mosque is the entrance portal, which is now part of Hakim Mosque's facade. Hakim Mosque is located in Bab al-Dasht neighborhood of Isfahan and is one of the most important religious buildings of the Safavid period. Its founder, Hakim Mohammad Dawood, was a court physician of the Safavids, and thus the building is named after him (Mirmohammadi, 2016). The mosque's facades or portals are among its most prominent artistic sections. Three main entrances are located on the northern, eastern, and western sides, each presenting a manifestation of Safavid art with unique features. The eastern portal with muqarnas and calligraphy inscriptions by Mohammad Reza Emami is an outstanding example of the fusion of architecture and calligraphy (Hosseini, 2021). Facade decorations include muqili tilework, brickwork, and Quranic inscriptions that, besides visual beauty, carry cultural and religious messages. This artistic combination invites the viewer to contemplation and tranquility, showing the special attention of Safavid architects to details and meaning in religious architecture (Jafari, 2019). From a historical perspective, the mosque's facade reflects the splendor of Safavid architecture and the link between art and faith, and researchers of Islamic art consider it an outstanding example of the integration of architecture, calligraphy, and tilework (Cambridge University Press, 2017). On either side of the iwans, after each taq-nama, there are three large openings each about 4.8 meters wide with beautiful brick ceilings. For beautifying the mosque's surroundings, taq-namas without backing structures were built that open to free space and allow the passage of strong winds. The abstract geometric design of the mosque's facade presents a special manifestation of harmony and beauty in Safavid art. Seyyed Mosque, Isfahan: This mosque is one of the late Safavid mosques, and according to existing inscriptions, its construction and decorations took about 130 years. The building began in the late first half of the 19th century AD and until the death of the late Seyyed, only the southern tilework was completed; the entire building's tilework continued until the end of the 20th century. Seyyed Mosque, with an area of over 8000 square meters, includes four main entrances, two large shabestans, one dome, three iwans, and numerous cells. A notable point in its architecture is the absence of minarets, distinguishing it from many other Iranian mosques (Karimi, 2003: 91). The oldest existing document in the building records the construction date as 1840 AD. The geometric motifs above the basement windows, due to their beauty and good visual flow, are an ideal option for simplification and application in contemporary designs (Fig. 3). The mosque's decorations include muqili tilework, muqarnas, plasterwork, and mirrorwork. Quranic and historical inscriptions were written by prominent Qajar calligraphers, giving the building a spiritual and artistic aura (Nasr, 1996: 158). From a historical perspective, Seyyed Mosque is not only an active religious site but also recognized as one of Isfahan's important tourist attractions, and researchers consider it an outstanding example of the integration of Qajar architecture with religious culture (Wilber, 1986: 274). Chehel Sotoun Palace, Isfahan: Chehel Sotoun Palace is one of Isfahan's vast gardens built during the reign of Shah Abbas I (1618-1661 AD), but most of its large and small buildings and halls belong to the reign of Shah Abbas II, the seventh Safavid king, and was the place for the king's public audiences and official receptions. Each of the twenty hall columns is made from plane tree trunks, covered with a thin layer of colored board that was previously adorned with mirrors and colored glasses. Walls are decorated with full-length mirrors, colored glasses, and beautiful paintings, and all doors and windows are adorned with appropriate inlay work. The pool in front of the building, 110 meters long and 16 meters wide, adds a special freshness and vibrancy to the space. The building's ceiling along with 18 columns and the mirrorworked hall ceiling is an unparalleled example of vaulting styles in Iranian architecture. Based on an inscription extracted from under the hall plaster in 1959 AD, Chehel Sotoun Palace was completed in the fifth year of Shah Abbas II's reign, i.e., 1679 AD. This inscription includes twelve hexagonal panels written in white Nastaliq on a pink background, with each panel containing one hemistich of a twelve-hemistich plasterwork (Mohammadi Rad, 1998). The simplified images of Chehel Sotoun Palace are particularly important in terms of form and rhythm. Sheikh Safi al-Din Ardabili Shrine in Ardabil: Sheikh Safi al-Din Ardabili Shrine is one of the important Islamic religious buildings in Iran and Ardabil city. This precious and beautiful complex was founded in the name of the mystic Sheikh Safi al-Din, ancestor of the Safavid sultans, after his death in 1334 AD by his son, Sadr al-Din Musa. Over time, numerous annex units were added to the complex. Shah Ismail and his successors, due to their devotion to Sheikh Safi al-Din, paid special attention to the preservation and development of the tomb, which has made this building shine like a gem in Iranian architecture today. From the perspective of Islamic architecture, the complex holds extraordinary importance. Each section is beautiful and unique in its own right, and the Safavid period displays the peak of Iranian architectural traditions both in decorations and structure. In this building, various decoration techniques are used; from paintings on plaster to muarraq and glazed painted tiles, and even the oldest brickwork techniques. Despite the overall beauty of the structure, its architectural style and inscription art deserve admiration and reflection, as they not only have decorative aspects but serve as a means for human connection with the higher world and contemplation on the philosophy of existence and human life. The simplified images of Sheikh Safi al-Din Ardabili Shrine are adapted from the entrance portal of this complex. Application of Motifs in the Contemporary World: Traditional and historical motifs rooted in the culture and art of various nations are not merely recognized as traditional decorations in the contemporary world but as visual language and tools for conveying meaning in art, design, and industry. In contemporary graphic design, traditional and geometric motifs are used as identity-forming elements. Studies have shown that the motifs of Isfahan's Jame Mosque, with their geometric structure, have adaptability to visual arts principles and can be used in poster design, logos, and organizational identity (Sari and Azhand, 2021). Additionally, traditional motifs are reread in contemporary architecture as decorative and structural patterns; Islamic geometric knots and Khatai motifs are applied in facade design, ceilings, and urban furniture, creating a sense of cultural belonging in addition to beauty (Sabbagh Tabrizi, 2012). In the fashion industry, traditional motifs like kilim, carpet, and pateh are used as fabric patterns and prints, capable of transferring cultural identity and creating distinction in contemporary clothing design (Nasr, 1996). Moreover, in packaging cultural and food products, these motifs help transfer local identity and cultural values, increasing attractiveness and consumer trust (Karimi, 2003). In the digital space, traditional motifs are redesigned with modern tools and appear in digital illustration, motion graphics, and user interfaces. This recreation creates a bridge between past and future, introducing global audiences to local culture (Wilber, 2017). ConclusionThe present research, aiming to examine the motifs and ornaments of Safavid era architecture and their potential application in contemporary design, sought to establish a connection between past and present in the realm of visual arts. The obtained results show that Safavid architecture, as one of the most magnificent manifestations of Islamic art, possesses aesthetic, symbolic, and cultural elements that have adaptability and recreation potential in today's design. Analysis of geometric motifs revealed that these elements, due to their abstract features, structural order, and repeatability, can be used in contemporary designs, especially in architecture, environmental graphics, and industrial design. Geometric structures reliant on principles of unity in multiplicity, rhythm, and balance align with contemporary aesthetic tastes and provide possibilities for localizing design language. Vegetal motifs, rooted in pre-Islamic traditions with visual richness from Chinese art influence, have significant capacity for contemporary design utilization. These motifs, including shapes like leaves, flowers, and trees, can be applied in fabric design, advertising graphics, packaging, and interior design with some simplification. In the domain of calligraphic motifs, the research showed that Islamic Safavid calligraphy, beyond transcriptional aspects, has specific meaningful, cultural, and aesthetic loads. The application of Kufic, Thuluth, Naskh, and Nastaliq scripts in architecture and decorative arts provides inspiration for designing modern brand visual identity, inscriptions, and cultural advertisements. Human and animal motifs, despite limited use in religious spaces, played important roles in pictorial arts like miniature, carpet weaving, and illumination. These motifs with mythical, narrative, and symbolic loads have notable potential for recreation in fields like animation, book illustration, and environmental theme design. The research methodology combined historical analysis and field studies, and case examination of prominent Safavid works like Seyyed Mosque in Isfahan, Chaharbagh School, and Chehel Sotoun Palace enabled motif categorization and recognition of repeating structures. This categorization facilitates simplification and comprehensibility of roles for contemporary space application. From an aesthetic perspective, the research showed that Safavid architectural visual patterns are designed to have harmony and balance in their components despite complexity. This coordination is integrable with contemporary design principles and can lead to creating authentic and meaningful spaces in public areas, urban furniture, and interior design. From a cultural viewpoint, reviving Safavid motifs can play an important role in enhancing national identity sense, strengthening cultural bonds, and creating belonging among today's generation. In the contemporary world where rootless and globalized forms dominate, returning to local roots through creative recreation of traditional motifs can lead to cultural resilience. Based on findings, contemporizing Safavid motifs means not mere repetition of historical shapes but reproduction of authentic concepts and forms in new templates. This process requires precise analysis, recognition of fundamental structures, and utilizing creativity in adapting motifs to today's functional, aesthetic, and technological needs. The research emphasizes that achieving these goals requires synergy among universities, designers, architects, and cultural organizations. Creating educational and production flows focused on utilizing historical capacities can lead to works that simultaneously possess authenticity, innovation, and efficiency in contemporary living contexts. This creative link between tradition and modernity promises the formation of an identity-oriented and contemporary visual language for today's Iran. https://museum.aqr-libjournal.ir/article_239215.html Curatorship, as one of the influential roles within the contemporary art system, has expanded in Iran in recent years; however, the legal status and scope of curatorial duties have not yet been clearly and formally defined. The absence of specific legal and institutional frameworks has led to ambiguity in responsibilities, professional conflicts, and weakened relationships among artists, curators, and exhibition institutions. The main issue of this research is to examine the role of law in clarifying the duties of the curator in Iran and the consequences arising from the lack of clear regulations in this field. The study aims to analyze the position of law in defining and explaining curatorial responsibilities and, drawing upon theoretical sources, international research, and field data obtained from semi-structured interviews with Iranian artists, to propose solutions for the precise and professional definition of this role. The principal research question asks to what extent codified laws and existing supervisory mechanisms in Iran contribute to clarifying the duties, quality, and quantity of curatorial activities, and what consequences the absence or weakness of such laws has had on the professional performance of curators and their relationships with other actors in the art field. This applied research adopts a qualitative, descriptive–analytical approach. Data were collected through document analysis, review of theoretical resources, comparative case studies, and semi-structured interviews with two active visual artists. Findings indicate that enhancing the status of the curator in Iran requires the drafting of binding regulations, the establishment of a licensing system, and the creation of an independent supervisory authority. Such measures would elevate curatorial practice from a personal and experimental activity to a structured, professional, and legal framework. This transformation could contribute significantly to the development of the profession and to the advancement of contemporary art in Iran. Introduction The role of the curator has become increasingly influential within the contemporary art system, both globally and in Iran. Originally derived from the Latin verb curare (to care for), the curator has evolved from a mere keeper of aristocratic collections into a multifaceted professional responsible for ideation, selection, interpretation, project management, and mediating between art and its audience. In many developed art systems, the curator’s position is clearly defined within legal and institutional frameworks, supported by formal contracts and professional codes of ethics, which enhance transparency, institutional trust, and cultural capital. However, despite the rapid expansion of curatorial activities in Iran since the 2000s (1380s Persian calendar), this profession remains largely unregulated. The primary problem addressed by this research is the lack of a clear legal status for curators in Iran’s contemporary art system. Most collaborations between artists and curators are based on oral agreements or informal arrangements, leading to professional misunderstandings, conflicts of interest, ethical disputes—such as claims over intellectual property and authorship—and a decline in exhibition quality. This study aims to analyze the role of law in defining curatorial duties in Iran and to propose practical solutions for establishing a professional and legal framework. The main research question asks: To what extent do existing codified laws and supervisory mechanisms in Iran define the duties, quality, and quantity of curatorial activities, and what are the consequences of the absence or weakness of such laws on curatorial performance and relationships with other art world actors? By drawing on theoretical literature, international research, and empirical data from interviews with Iranian visual artists, this study seeks to highlight the urgent need for binding regulations, a licensing system, and an independent supervisory body to transition curatorial practice from a personal, experimental activity to a structured, professional, and accountable profession. Methodology This research is applied in purpose and qualitative in nature, employing a descriptive-analytical approach with thematic analysis. Data were collected through two primary methods: a review of existing legal documents, theoretical sources, and comparative international studies (including works by Bishop, George, Jones, and Chen); and semi-structured, in-depth interviews conducted with two practicing Iranian visual artists who had direct experience collaborating with curators in independent exhibitions and Tehran galleries. Participants were selected through purposive sampling based on their professional history and direct curatorial collaboration. Each interview lasted approximately 45 minutes. The data were analyzed following the six-phase thematic analysis framework of Braun and Clarke (2006): (1) familiarization with data, (2) open coding, (3) generating initial themes, (4) reviewing themes, (5) defining and naming themes, and (6) writing the final narrative. To ensure validity and trustworthiness, three strategies were used: peer review (feedback from two curatorial experts), comparison with theoretical literature, and member checking (participants reviewed the summarized findings). The interpretive approach focused on understanding the lived experience of artists regarding the lack of legal and ethical structures in curatorial relations. Discussion 1. The Crisis of Professional Ethics and Claims of AuthorshipOne of the most prominent themes extracted from the interviews was the “crisis of professional ethics in curatorship.” Artists reported instances where curators claimed ownership of the artists’ ideas or written statements (artist statements). For example, one respondent stated, “The curator claimed the idea belonged to them and even used my text as their own.” This finding aligns with Meng Shi Chen’s (2021) concept of “curatorial ethics,” which emphasizes revealing hidden voices without violating the poetic independence of art. The absence of a binding ethical code in Iran allows such ambiguities to flourish, undermining the artist’s moral rights and creative autonomy.2. Legal and Regulatory VoidThe second major theme was the “legal and regulatory void.” Artists consistently noted the absence of formal contracts, clear laws, or any supervisory body. One participant remarked, “A contract should have been in place from the beginning,” and “I felt there was no specific law or supervision.” This mirrors the concerns raised by Jones (2016) in Art Law, where formal written agreements are deemed essential for clarifying consignment terms, commission rates, copyright, shipping liabilities, and dispute resolution. In Iran, even existing intellectual property laws (e.g., the 1969 Protection of Authors, Writers, and Artists Act) define only the “creator” (artist) but do not address the intermediary role of the curator. Consequently, most curatorial collaborations operate on informal, trust-based arrangements that are fragile and prone to conflict.3. The Need for Professionalization and Qualification LicensingArtists strongly emphasized that curators must be “professionally selected” and hold “official licenses.” This theme—“the need for professionalization of the curator’s position”—reflects a demand for structured training, competency assessment, and credentialing. In the absence of institutional gatekeeping, individuals with no formal curatorial education or ethical training can claim the title, leading to mismanagement, exploitation, and poor exhibition quality. Establishing a professional association under the supervision of the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance, in collaboration with national museums and art universities, could provide licensing, continuing education, and a registry of qualified curators.4. Consequences of Ineffective CollaborationThe “consequences of ineffective collaboration” emerged as a distinct thematic cluster. Artists reported abandoning projects, facing personal disputes, losing trust, and discontinuing exhibitions due to unethical or unprofessional curatorial behavior. One participant stated, “Because of ethical problems, I ended the collaboration and continued alone.” These outcomes resonate with George’s (2015) discussion of professional responsibilities, where lack of accountability mechanisms leads to project failure and breakdown of mutual confidence. The ripple effects include damage to the artist’s career, financial loss, and a general climate of suspicion within the art community.5. Artists’ Proposed SolutionsFinally, artists proposed concrete remedies, emphasizing mutual respect, written contracts, ethical oversight, and a licensing system. This “artists’ proposed solutions” theme demonstrates a mature, constructive attitude. They called for a formal “cultural contract” that goes beyond financial terms to define interpretive authority, display methods, and limits of curatorial intervention. Claire Bishop’s (2007) notion of a “dialogical curator”—one who respects the artist’s voice and maintains transparent communication—was echoed in the data. The absence of such a formalized framework in Iran reduces professional ethics to non-binding recommendations, leaving both parties vulnerable.6. Bridging Ethics and Law: The Need for an Intermediary InstitutionComparative analysis with the National Assembly of State Arts Agencies (2017) model suggests that a dedicated intermediary institution is required to draft binding professional regulations, arbitrate disputes, and certify curators. In Iran, no legal article explicitly defines the curator’s role. The gap between an ethical charter (non-enforceable) and legal obligation (enforceable) can only be bridged by an independent supervisory body. Such an institution would also standardize curatorial fees, which currently have no international or local benchmark, and would prevent conflicts arising from ambiguous financial arrangements and mismatched expectations. Conclusion This study concludes that the curatorial profession in Iran, despite its practical expansion, lacks a coherent legal, institutional, and supervisory foundation. Thematic analysis of artists’ lived experiences revealed that the absence of binding laws, formal contracts, and a professional licensing system has led to ethical crises, disputes over intellectual ownership, diminished trust, and ineffective collaborations. These issues are interconnected: legal void weakens professional ethics, which in turn fosters relational breakdowns between artists and curators. Iran’s curatorial field is at a critical juncture of “institutional identity formation.” To transition from informal, personality-based arrangements to a regulated, accountable profession, several actions are necessary: amending intellectual property laws to include curatorial duties; drafting a mandatory professional code of ethics; requiring written contracts for all curatorial collaborations; establishing a licensing and supervisory body under the Ministry of Culture; and introducing academic and professional training in curatorial ethics, art law, and exhibition management. Without such measures, the potential of curatorship to contribute to a sustainable, high-quality contemporary art system in Iran will remain unfulfilled. Future research should include comparative studies with regional legal frameworks, incorporate the perspectives of curators and gallery directors, and assess the impact of standard contracts on exhibition outcomes. https://museum.aqr-libjournal.ir/article_239216.html The Islamic cemetery of Shahsavar in Izeh, located in northern Khuzestan Province, with 632 gravestones and remarkable diversity in types and decorative motifs, is one of the most significant burial grounds of the Late Islamic period within the Bakhtiari cultural domain. This research adopts a fundamental and historical approach based on library studies and fieldwork. Using a hypothetical–deductive framework, typological data and motif analyses are examined within the perspectives of ethnoarchaeology, symbolic analysis, and historical interpretation. The findings reveal an exceptional variety of gravestone types, including lion-shaped stones (Shir-e Sangi), crenellated stepped types, mihrab-shaped forms, and anthropomorphic forms, each carrying distinct social and symbolic functions. The carved motifs are classified into five main groups: human, animal, vegetal, military implements, and objects. Statistical analysis indicates the dominance of Qajar-period military motifs, reflecting not only the continuation of warrior traditions among the Bakhtiari people but also the discourse of nationalism and the revival of ancient Iranian epic concepts during that era. Animal motifs such as lions, ibexes, and horses convey mythological meanings, power symbolism, and ethnic identity. Human motifs, mostly rendered in abstract forms, reflect occupational status and social standing. A rare example known as the “Mirza” motif represents teachers and Qur'an/Shahnameh reciters, highlighting the educational and cultural prestige of such individuals in Bakhtiari society. Motifs related to carpet weaving, combs, and shoes are interpreted as indicators of gender and profession. The results demonstrate that the Shahsavar gravestones serve a function beyond ritual commemoration, acting as carriers of Bakhtiari social, cultural, and identity narratives. Their study contributes to understanding the continuity and integration of Iranian-Islamic traditions in the Late Islamic period. IntroductionCemeteries are integral elements of Islamic society, and gravestones, in their diverse forms, constitute prominent artistic features of these spaces. Gravestones are components of funerary rituals and serve as instruments for expressing identity and commemorating the deceased. Simultaneously, they reflect historical, literary, artistic, and cultural conditions of various Iranian regions and play a distinctive role in transmitting folklore concepts rooted in deep religious and cultural beliefs of Iranian-Islamic society.The diverse forms and motifs of Islamic gravestones reflect cultural, artistic, and religious responses to the phenomenon of death. Studying their typology and motifs provides valuable archaeological insights into different Iranian ethnic groups.The region of Izeh in northern Khuzestan is particularly suitable for examining this cultural phenomenon. Field surveys have identified 20 Islamic cemeteries in the region, containing more than 2,000 gravestones of various forms. All belong to Bakhtiari tribes, dating from the 10th century AH through the Qajar period and into the contemporary era.Among them, Shahsavar Cemetery is especially significant due to its 632 graves and comprehensive typological diversity. All known gravestone types of the Izeh region are represented here.This research is fundamental in purpose and historical in method. Data collection was conducted through documentary research and field surveys (typology, GPS recording, photography, and drawing). Interpretation employed both historical approaches (using written documents) and ethnoarchaeological approaches (using local oral knowledge). Research MethodologyThe study follows the hypothetical–deductive approach, characteristic of processual archaeology influenced by critical rationalism. Research begins with clearly formulated questions expressed as scientific hypotheses, followed by the systematic collection of relevant data to test them.This approach prevents researchers from being overwhelmed by excessive raw data and instead focuses on evidence relevant to hypothesis evaluation.The research integrates:1.    Historical Approach – Use of written documents to interpret silent archaeological remains.2.    Ethnoarchaeological Approach – Use of local oral traditions to clarify meanings of motifs.3.    Symbolic Analysis – Identification of social classes and status through symbolic representations.Fieldwork included typological documentation, motif classification, photographic recording, and statistical analysis. Discussion1. Typological Diversity and Cultural StratificationThe Shahsavar Islamic cemetery in Izeh represents one of the most typologically diverse burial grounds of the Late Islamic period in the Bakhtiari region. The presence of lion-shaped stones (Shir-e Sangi), crenellated stepped gravestones, mihrab-type forms, and anthropomorphic markers reflects not merely artistic variety but a structured social hierarchy embedded in funerary expression. Gravestone form itself functions as a visual indicator of social status. The lion-shaped type, in particular, is associated with prominent tribal warriors and influential male figures, while simpler forms likely belonged to individuals of lower social standing. Thus, morphology and decoration together construct a semiotic system through which tribal stratification is encoded in stone. 2. Military Motifs and the Discourse of ValorStatistical evidence demonstrates that military implements constitute the most dominant category of decorative motifs, particularly during the Qajar period. Motifs such as long crescent swords, daggers, spears, shields, maces, rifles, pistols, powder flasks, whips, and decorative scabbards appear frequently—especially on lion-shaped gravestones.These motifs operate on multiple interpretive levels. At a practical level, they reflect the occupational and social identity of the deceased as warriors, hunters, or skilled horsemen—roles central to Bakhtiari tribal life. At a symbolic level, they evoke epic traditions deeply rooted in Iranian cultural memory, particularly narratives associated with heroic masculinity and martial virtue. The Qajar period witnessed a resurgence of national consciousness and a revival of pre-Islamic Iranian themes within art and material culture. The persistence of martial iconography in Shahsavar gravestones reflects this broader ideological current while simultaneously reinforcing tribal ideals of bravery, honor, and leadership.The concentration of such motifs on lion-shaped stones further strengthens the association between the lion—an enduring symbol of courage and sovereignty—and the martial identity of elite Bakhtiari men. 3. Human Motifs and Occupational IdentityHuman figures are comparatively rare and rendered in abstract form, consistent with Islamic artistic conventions that favor non-naturalistic representation. These figures are typically depicted frontally and accompanied by symbolic objects that indicate profession or social role.Male figures are associated with weapons, horses, or hunting scenes, reinforcing ideals of valor and physical prowess. Female figures, by contrast, appear alongside carpet-weaving tools such as looms, weaving combs (kerkit), and scissors. These motifs emphasize the economic and domestic contributions of women within Bakhtiari society. Carpet weaving, as both an artistic and subsistence activity, constituted a key component of tribal identity and household economy.A particularly significant human motif is the rare “Mirza” representation. Only two examples appear in the cemetery. The motif depicts a seated man respectfully reading from an open book. Ethnoarchaeological evidence identifies the “Mirza” as a traditional teacher responsible for Qur’anic instruction, Shahnameh recitation, and administrative correspondence. The depiction of an open book—likely the Qur’an or the Shahnameh—signals educational authority and moral prestige. The rarity of this motif underscores the exclusivity of scholarly status within tribal hierarchy. Unlike martial imagery, which conveys collective ideals, the Mirza motif reflects intellectual distinction and cultural mediation.4. Animal Symbolism and Mythic ContinuitiesAnimal motifs in the Shahsavar cemetery are limited to quadrupeds—lion, horse, and ibex—but their symbolic density is considerable. The lion functions as a marker of strength, guardianship, and tribal heroism. Executed in abstract form, it serves both as a decorative and sculptural type. Its widespread presence suggests continuity with ancient Iranian symbolic traditions, where the lion signified sovereignty, fire, and solar power.The horse motif, often depicted in dynamic motion, evokes mobility, warfare, and prestige. Given the centrality of horsemanship in Bakhtiari life, its representation on gravestones reinforces the deceased’s identity as a mounted warrior or hunter.The ibex (wild goat), deeply embedded in Iranian iconographic history, symbolizes fertility, abundance, and transcendence. Its curved horns, reminiscent of lunar forms, carry cosmological associations. The inclusion of this motif suggests survival of ancient symbolic frameworks within an Islamic funerary context, demonstrating cultural continuity rather than rupture. 5. Vegetal Motifs and the Tree of LifeVegetal motifs are comparatively rare, confined primarily to crenellated stepped stones. The most prominent example is the Tree of Life. This motif embodies continuity, regeneration, and cosmic order—concepts present in both pre-Islamic Iranian and Islamic symbolic traditions. Its limited frequency may reflect selective symbolic deployment rather than aesthetic preference, suggesting that vegetal imagery served a more universal and less status-specific function than martial or occupational motifs. 6. Gender Markers and Everyday ObjectsAmong the most recurrent motifs is the comb, executed in single-sided and double-sided forms. In the Shahsavar cemetery, the comb functions explicitly as a gender indicator: single-sided for men and double-sided for women. This consistent coding suggests a localized symbolic system distinct from other Iranian regions, where comb imagery may not strictly correspond to gender.Other everyday objects, including shoes (often representing the traditional “Giveh”), appear across multiple gravestone types and for both sexes. Unlike martial motifs, these do not signify elite status but rather everyday identity. The presence of such motifs expands the semantic range of the cemetery from heroic and religious themes to quotidian life. 7. National Identity, Religion, and Cultural SynthesisThe decorative program of Shahsavar gravestones reflects the dual identity of Qajar-era Iran: national and Islamic. Religious elements—Qur’anic inscriptions, invocations, mihrab forms, prayer beads, and prayer stones—coexist with motifs that evoke pre-Islamic heroic traditions. This coexistence suggests synthesis rather than contradiction.The Qajar revival of Iranian antiquity, influenced partly by European nationalist movements, encouraged renewed engagement with epic and historical heritage. In Shahsavar, this ideological climate manifests in the prominence of martial symbolism and mythic animal imagery. Yet these elements are framed within an Islamic funerary structure, demonstrating adaptive continuity. 8. Gravestones as Cultural ArchivesUltimately, the Shahsavar cemetery functions as a visual archive of Bakhtiari cultural memory. Each gravestone encodes information about gender, occupation, social rank, religious devotion, and tribal identity. Form and motif together construct a structured symbolic language that transforms the cemetery into a historical narrative in stone.Rather than serving merely as ritual markers of death, these gravestones articulate the lived values of a community—valor, piety, craftsmanship, scholarship, and honor. Their study reveals how Late Islamic material culture mediated between ancient Iranian symbolism, Islamic belief systems, and Qajar-era nationalism, preserving a layered and dynamic expression of identity. ConclusionSymbolic and archetypal analysis suggest that most decorative motifs date back to the Qajar period. Statistical patterns show dominance of military and object motifs, followed by human, vegetal, and animal motifs.During the Qajar era, religious, epic, and national themes became widespread in artistic representation. A revival of nationalism and a return to ancient Iranian heritage influenced multiple artistic media, including gravestones. Iranian-Islamic identity became a defining characteristic.Although Western influences appeared during this period, Qajar art retained strong Islamic and national Iranian elements. The coexistence of these two identities reflects synthesis rather than opposition.Shahsavar gravestones demonstrate exceptional formal and decorative diversity. Their morphological and iconographic study provides valuable information regarding religious beliefs, Iranian-Islamic thought, historical sociology, cultural anthropology, and social hierarchy.Motifs reflect not only symbolic and religious meanings but also geographical context and revival of ancient Iranian traditions. Religious motifs such as Qur’anic inscriptions, invocations, mihrab forms, prayer beads, and prayer stones emphasize piety. Social and cultural motifs reflect occupation, social class, and tribal prestige.Gravestone type and decoration correspond directly to the deceased’s social status. Elite individuals received elaborate lion-shaped or decorated stones, while others had simpler markers.Overall, Shahsavar gravestones constitute a visual archive of Bakhtiari cultural identity and a tangible manifestation of Iranian–Islamic continuity in the Late Islamic period. https://museum.aqr-libjournal.ir/article_240188.html The Varjuy Temple is a monument with an imprecisely documented pre-Islamic history, featuring additions attributed to the Mongol Ilkhanid period, located in East Azerbaijan Province, Iran. This temple belongs to a group of underground structures carved directly into the bedrock. The present study aims to characterize the structural composition and identify the pigments within the mortar layers, as well as to investigate the color of the inscribed architectural features of the rock-cut Varjuy Temple in Maragheh. Laboratory investigations included X-ray diffraction (XRD), X-ray fluorescence (XRF), and scanning electron microscopy coupled with energy dispersive spectroscopy (SEM-EDS) performed on samples collected from the identified layers in the main ceiling chamber of the temple. Based on the results of these analytical techniques, the composition of different mortar samples used in the rock-cut architecture of Varjuy was examined and compared with the bedrock substrate. For the first time, this study provides structural evidence of pigment use in rock-cut architecture on the slopes of Mount Sahand. The results indicate that iron oxide (used for red pigment) and carbon black (used for black pigment) were applied as coloring agents in the Varjuy Temple. Introduction The study of historical mortars and plasters provides valuable insights into ancient construction technologies, raw materials, and the technical skills of past builders. Simultaneously, the identification of pigments used in cultural heritage monuments—whether architectural or archaeological—has gained significant attention over recent decades. Pigments are crucial for understanding technological history, authenticity assessment, and even forensic studies of artworks. In Iranian architecture, particularly during the early Islamic centuries, the use of color on internal and external plaster surfaces was not very common. However, rock-cut architecture presents a special case. The Varjovi Temple, located on the slopes of Mount Sahand in East Azerbaijan Province, near Maragheh, is one of the few examples of Ilkhanid rock-cut architecture where colored decorations and inscriptions have been identified. The temple is part of a larger underground complex carved into volcanic tuff, with later additions attributed to the Mongol Ilkhanid period. Previous studies mentioned the existence of plasters and pigments, but no scientific identification had been carried out. This research aims to characterize the colorants used in the mortar layers and the written inscription within the main chamber (Chalekhaneh) of the Varjovi rock-cut temple. The study provides the first evidence of color application in the rock-cut architecture of the Sahand slopes, identifying red and black pigments and revealing a previously unknown painted inscription.Methodology This research adopts a combined field and experimental approach. Following detailed on-site observations and macroscopic documentation, sampling was carried out purposefully to obtain representative and minimally weathered specimens from the plinth area of the main circular chamber (Space V6). Three samples were collected: V6-S2 (gray mortar from the ribbed vaulting), V6-S5 (reddish-brown mortar from the plinth), and V6-S6 (black pigment from a hidden inscription underlying both mortar layers). The samples were analyzed using three complementary laboratory methods: (1) Powder X-ray Diffraction (XRD) using a Philips PW1800 diffractometer (Cu Kα, 40 kV, 30 mA, 2θ range 5–60°) for phase identification; (2) X-ray Fluorescence (XRF) spectroscopy for bulk elemental composition (reported as major oxides); and (3) Scanning Electron Microscopy coupled with Energy Dispersive X-ray Spectroscopy (SEM-EDS) using a Phenom ProX instrument (accelerating voltages 5, 10, and 15 kV) for microstructural imaging and point elemental analysis. The combination of these methods allowed for the identification of crystalline phases, elemental composition, and the distribution of colorants within the mortar matrix.Discussion 1. Composition of the Gray Mortar (V6-S2) – A Unique Gypsum-Lime-Volcanic Ash MixThe XRF analysis of the gray mortar (V6-S2) revealed high SiO₂ (37.46%) and CaO (14.14%), along with significant SO₃ (16.45%). The XRD analysis identified major phases including gypsum (CaSO₄·2H₂O), bassanite (CaSO₄·0.5H₂O), cristobalite (a high-temperature silica polymorph), albite, microcline, and mica-illite. Notably, quartz was absent. The presence of cristobalite, albite, and microcline indicates the deliberate addition of crushed local volcanic tuff (from Mount Sahand) as aggregate. The binder is a mixture of lime and gypsum, which is unusual; such a gypsum-lime-pozzolanic ash composition has not been previously reported for Ilkhanid mortars. The cristobalite and volcanic glass fragments likely acted as natural pozzolans, improving the hydraulic properties and durability of the mortar. The bassanite phase suggests partial dehydration of gypsum, possibly due to historical heating or environmental conditions. SEM images of V6-S2 showed a fine crystalline texture with evidence of multiple troweling and polishing actions, indicating careful surface finishing.2. Composition of the Reddish-Brown Mortar (V6-S5) – Iron Oxide as a ColorantThe reddish-brown mortar (V6-S5) showed a different composition: lower SiO₂ (22.52%) and Al₂O₃ (3.18%), but higher CaO (22.18%), SO₃ (28.65%), and significantly higher Fe₂O₃ (1.02%) compared to V6-S2 (0.23%). The high loss-on-ignition (LOI ~20%) indicates the presence of organic matter or hydrated minerals. XRD analysis identified gypsum, bassanite, calcite, cristobalite, albite, microcline, quartz, and dolomite. The presence of calcite and dolomite indicates carbonates derived from lime binder or aggregate. The elevated iron oxide content, together with the visual reddish-brown color, confirms that hematite (α-Fe₂O₃) or ochre was intentionally added as a pigment. Red ochre (iron oxide) is one of the oldest known pigments. SEM imaging of V6-S5 revealed that some gypsum crystals had lost their original angular habit and appeared rounded and deformed, likely due to dissolution-recrystallization processes caused by water ingress. The red pigmented mortar represents the uppermost decorative layer, which has largely eroded away except for protected areas beneath the ribbed vaulting.3. The Hidden Black Inscription (V6-S6) – Carbon-Based InkThe most significant discovery was the black inscription running continuously around the plinth of space V6, beneath both the gray and reddish-brown mortar layers. This inscription, written in a script similar to Naskh or Thuluth, had been completely hidden and was only revealed through careful stratigraphic observation. EDS analysis of sample V6-S6 showed very high carbon (C: 22.1 at%, 42.83 wt% as CO) and nitrogen (N: 15.4 at%, 24.36 wt% as NO), along with oxygen, sulfur, calcium, and minor copper. The dominance of carbon indicates that the black pigment is carbon-based, specifically soot or lamp black. Nitrogen may derive from organic binders or from environmental contamination. The presence of calcium and sulfur likely results from mixing with the underlying gypsum-lime plaster substrate. This carbon-based black pigment corresponds well with soot/dark pigments reported in other Ilkhanid monuments such as Soltaniyeh Dome, Pir-e Bakran, and other Yazd monuments, where black was used for outlining decorations, inscriptions, and combining with other colors.4. Stratigraphic Interpretation and the Priority of the InscriptionThe layer sequence in the plinth area of space V6 is now clear: (1) First, the rock-cut bedrock; (2) then, a thin gray plaster (with gypsum-lime binder and volcanic ash aggregate) was applied, and the black carbon-based inscription was written directly on this surface; (3) later, a second gray mortar layer containing plant fibers (such as straw and rush) was applied; (4) finally, the red ochre-pigmented mortar was applied as the uppermost decorative coating. This stratigraphy demonstrates that the black inscription belongs to the earliest Islamic phase of the temple, likely contemporary with or slightly later than the initial rock-cut construction. The inscription is therefore one of the oldest painted Islamic inscriptions in Iranian rock-cut architecture, dating to the Ilkhanid period (7th–8th centuries AH / 13th–14th centuries CE). The red pigmented mortar was a later decorative addition, possibly associated with the conversion of the space into a Khanqah (Sufi lodge) after Ghazan Khan’s religious reforms.5. Comparative Context with Other Ilkhanid MonumentsComparison with previously studied Ilkhanid monuments (e.g., Soltaniyeh Dome, Isfahan Jameh Mosque, Pir-e Bakran, Yazd monuments) shows that the use of red ochre and carbon black was standard practice during this period. Blue pigments (azurite, lapis lazuli) and green pigments (malachite, atacamite, celadonite) were also common but were not detected in Varjovi, possibly due to the limited decorative scheme of a rock-cut hypogeum. The use of gypsum-lime mortars with volcanic ash is technologically distinctive and reflects local adaptation to available geological resources (Sahand volcanic tuffs). The Varjovi temple thus contributes valuable data on Ilkhanid mortar technology, pigment usage, and epigraphic practices in northwestern Iran.Conclusion This study provides the first scientific identification of colorants in the rock-cut architecture of the Varjovi Temple in Maragheh. Through XRD, XRF, and SEM-EDS analyses, it has been demonstrated that the gray mortars are a unique gypsum-lime mixture with crushed volcanic tuff (containing cristobalite, albite, and microcline), representing an unreported technological tradition for Ilkhanid mortars. The reddish-brown mortar owes its color to intentionally added iron oxide (red ochre/hematite), while the black inscription pigment is carbon-based (soot/lamp black). The stratigraphic sequence reveals a previously unknown painted Islamic inscription in Naskh/Thuluth script, hidden beneath later plaster layers, which constitutes one of the oldest painted inscriptions in Iranian rock-cut architecture. These findings confirm that the use of color for decorative coatings and inscriptions was practiced even in remote rock-cut monuments of the Ilkhanid period, aligning with broader traditions observed in major brick monuments of the time. For future research, the authors strongly recommend the use of infrared and ultraviolet photography to enhance the legibility of the hidden inscription, which remains largely unreadable to the naked eye. Conservation efforts should prioritize the stabilization of the remaining red-pigmented plaster and the documentation of the black inscription before further deterioration occurs.  https://museum.aqr-libjournal.ir/article_241641.html Papier-mâché art, known in the history of Iranian art as "oil painting" or "lacquer painting," is one of the most delicate applied-decorative arts rooted in paper recycling and the creativity of ornamental artists. The main goal of this research is to investigate the origin, development, and technical-artistic features of this art, focusing on the artistic center of Qazvin during the Safavid period. Qazvin, as a bridge between the traditions of Tabriz and the innovations of Isfahan, played a key role in the independence of this art. The research method is descriptive-analytical, relying on library resources and historical documents, examining production processes (such as layering and pulping methods) and the context of their emergence. The results show that papier-mâché art initially emerged as a substitute for leather bookbindings in book arts. However, due to the socio-political transformations of the late Shah Tahmasb era and the departure of artists from court monopoly, it shifted toward producing independent and functional objects such as pen cases and mirror cases. The Qazvin school, by using "Kaman oil" to stabilize colors and incorporating themes of daily life and naturalism, laid the foundation for the flourishing of this art in subsequent periods (Isfahan and Qajar) and created a lasting link between "transcendent miniature art" and "traditional paper technology." Introduction The Safavid dynasty (10th–12th centuries AH) is recognized not only as a period of consolidation of national and religious identity but also as the "Golden Age of Iranian arts," wherein the relationship between politics, religion, and art reached its highest level (Ansari & Nami, 2016). During this era, direct royal patronage and systematic workshops allowed book arts, miniature painting, and luxury crafts to flourish unprecedentedly (Balali Eskoui & Kiani, 2020). Shah Tahmasb continued the artistic traditions of Herat and Tabriz, bringing artistic elites together to create masterpieces such as the Shahnameh of Tahmasb. However, political and military pressures, especially Ottoman threats, led to a strategic decision that changed Iran’s artistic geography.The transfer of the capital from Tabriz to Qazvin in 955 AH marked a turning point in Iran’s cultural history. This relocation was not merely a political-security necessity but also the beginning of the "Qazvin School," which acted as a bridge between the maturity of earlier traditions and the innovations of the Isfahan School (Ahmadsafari, 2017). In this new center, artists previously bound to the court gradually faced a new social environment. This shift coincided with Shah Tahmasb’s spiritual and religious changes in his later years, described in historical sources as the "king’s disillusionment with art." The direct consequence was the collapse of the traditional court workshop system and the departure of artists from absolute royal monopoly, leading them to establish private workshops and respond to commissions from the middle class, aristocrats, and merchants (Yousefi et al., 2023).In such a transformative context, papier-mâché art (known in Iran as lacquer or oil painting) emerged as a novel and efficient medium. Initially serving as a substitute for leather bindings of precious books (Shahbazi & Afshari, 2021), with the changing structure of patrons, papier-mâché moved beyond the book realm and entered the world of functional, independent objects. The mass production of items such as pen cases, mirror frames, and jewelry boxes in Qazvin indicates a shift in artistic taste from an exclusively aristocratic, library-bound art to a functional-decorative art present in the daily life of new social classes (Khajeh Mehrizi, 2016). Research MethodologyThe present research adopts a descriptive-analytical method with a historical approach. Data were collected through the study of library documents, prominent manuscripts (such as the Falnameh of Shah Tahmasb and the Haft Awrang of Jami), and examination of surviving applied objects in museums. The technical processes of papier-mâché production are analyzed in two main methods: "paper-based" (laminating) and "pulp-based" (pulping). The evolution of this art from a book-dependent craft (bookbinding) to an independent art (pen case making) is investigated. Furthermore, influential variables such as the transfer of the capital, the change in patron class (from court to merchants), and climatic effects on the choice of raw materials (e.g., Kaman oil) are examined within the framework of the Qazvin artistic school. Discussion 1. Historical Context of Safavid Art and the Rise of QazvinThe Safavid period is one of the brightest eras in the history of Iranian art, during which art and culture achieved rare integration and excellence under a unified dynasty (Ansari & Nami, 2016). Royal workshops, established from Shah Ismail I onward, gathered artistic elites from Herat and Tabriz, laying the foundation for the second Tabriz school. Under Shah Tahmasb, who himself trained under masters like Sultan Mohammad, book arts reached their zenith. However, the transfer of the capital to Qazvin in 955 AH, due to Ottoman threats, redirected artistic currents.In Qazvin, the presence of princes and art patrons like Sultan Ebrahim Mirza led to an unprecedented concentration of artists. The royal library became a center where master calligraphers and painters following Bihzad’s style created masterpieces such as the Haft Awrang of Jami (Qazi Ahmad Qomi, 1366; Welch, 2006). Yet, Shah Tahmasb’s later religious zeal and political preoccupations reduced direct court patronage, leading to the dissolution of traditional workshop order. Artists moved into the city, opening private workshops and serving merchants, aristocrats, and the middle class (Ashrafi, 2009; Khajeh Mehrizi, 2016). This structural transformation removed miniature painting from court monopoly and linked art to everyday life.2. Origin and Development of Papier-Mâché in QazvinPapier-mâché, known in Iran as "lacquer painting" or "oil painting," is one of the most delicate traditional arts, rooted in paper recycling and the creativity of book artists (Shahbazi & Afshari, 2021). Although the technique originated in China’s Han dynasty, its development in Iran is inextricably linked to the socio-political changes of the Safavid era, particularly the Qazvin artistic center. The primary context for papier-mâché in Iran lies in bookbinding. Before this technique, book covers were mostly made of leather. However, from the late Timurid period, especially in the court of Soltan Hoseyn Mirza in Herat, the use of compressed paper and oil techniques for book decoration began.Iranians, familiar from pre-Islamic times with the protective properties of lac (plant and animal gums) for wood against moisture and heat, transferred this knowledge to book arts. The combination of paper layers with successive oil layers not only gave extraordinary strength to the object but also provided a polished, brilliant surface for miniaturists. In Qazvin, two main techniques evolved: the "paper method" (laminating with plant glues like serish) and the "pulp method" (soaking and pounding waste paper with serish and tragacanth to create a homogeneous paste). The pulp was shaped on wooden molds (boxwood or pear wood) and, after drying and smoothing, prepared for painting.3. Technical and Artistic Features of Early Qazvin WorksThe structural nature of early Qazvin papier-mâché works was based on recycling waste paper, which, beyond economic benefits, provided exceptional strength and lightness. Artists used a primer layer called "boom" (a mixture of chalk and serish, ratio 5:1) to prepare the surface for painting. After painting, "Kaman oil" (a blend of ben oil, sandarac, and specific gums) was applied. This oil not only acted as a protective layer but also penetrated the paint layers, enhancing the richness, depth, and brilliance of the miniatures. This technique has preserved the transparency and authenticity of Qazvin colors for centuries.Artistically, early Qazvin papier-mâché works fully reflect the transformations of the Qazvin miniature school. With the decline of direct court patronage, elite artists like Sadeqi Beg Afshar and Aqa Mirak transferred the subtleties of manuscript illustration to functional objects. Decorative motifs included arabesques and khatai designs with mathematical precision, but the main content focused on hunting scenes, romantic gatherings in gardens, and single figures of princes. The influence of the Qazvin school is evident in features such as the reduction in the number of figures, attention to accurate anatomy, and soft, dynamic outlines. Gilding and margin illumination (tash'ir) gave these works a courtly authenticity, reflecting the tastes of new patrons: merchants and nobles.4. Expansion to Other Safavid Centers and the Legacy of Master Ahmad AqiliThe transfer of the capital from Qazvin to Isfahan in 1006 AH by Shah Abbas I marked a new chapter in the redefinition of Safavid art and architecture. Although Qazvin experienced political decline, it remained a commercial hub. Artists trained in Qazvin, such as Sadeqi Beg Afshar and Reza Abbasi, transferred their experiences in single-figure painting and independent portraiture to Isfahan. The Qazvin school is thus recognized as the "foundational origin" of the Isfahan school’s brilliance.Today, the continuity of this historical chain in Qazvin is embodied by Master Ahmad Aqili, who faithfully follows Safavid methods. He uses two fundamental techniques: laminating and pulping, employing recycled paper and traditional plant glues (serish and shireh). He applies miniature painting with authentic colors and finishes with Kaman oil for gloss and protection. Moreover, his restoration of lacquer bookbindings from the Safavid period uses the same traditional formulas, ensuring scientific and artistic consistency. Master Aqili is the living guardian of the "traditional paper technology" and "lacquer painting" of the Qazvin school, transferring this technical knowledge to future generations. Conclusion An analytical study of the development of papier-mâché art in the Safavid era confirms that this art, far from being a simple handicraft, is the product of a structural transformation in Iran’s technical, aesthetic, and patronage systems. The transfer of the capital to Qazvin was not merely an administrative-political move but opened a new chapter in Iran’s cultural history, freeing miniature art from the absolute monopoly of court libraries and injecting it into the vibrant body of urban society.First, this study highlights papier-mâché as an "intelligent recycling technology." The Qazvin artists, by developing laminating and pulping methods, overcame the physical limitations of expensive raw materials like leather and metal. The use of Kaman oil, a colloidal mixture, provided chemical stability and optical richness to the paint layers, giving Iranian lacquer painting a distinct identity. Second, the research demonstrates a "structural expansion in production centers" in the late Shah Tahmasb era. The collapse of court workshops led artists to the urban market, transforming papier-mâché from a bookbinding element into an independent medium for functional-decorative objects. This process popularized art among social layers, bringing miniature aesthetics into the daily life of the middle class and merchants. Finally, the continuity of this heritage through masters like Ahmad Aqili in contemporary Qazvin emphasizes the importance of preserving authentic technical knowledge, linking historical research with workshop expertise. The papier-mâché art of Qazvin is the "generative core" of Iran’s lacquer arts, combining paper technology and transcendent miniature art into a lasting glory. https://museum.aqr-libjournal.ir/article_234107.html Throughout the history of human warfare, the sword has always been considered the most effective weapon by warriors. Among these weapons, there have been swords that gained particular fame due to their attribution to renowned historical figures. Nevertheless, over time, the provenance of some of these swords has been forgotten. Two swords attributed to Mokhtar ibn Abi Ubaydah Saqafi and Amir Timur Gurkani, housed in the National Museum of Iran and the Military Museum, are in a similar situation, and due to the passage of time, their background has remained obscure. In addition to documenting the aforementioned swords, the present article seeks answers to the following questions: 1. To what extent are the names inscribed on the swords historically authentic? 2. In which period were these swords manufactured? This research aims to investigate the historical and artistic features and to re-identify the two swords attributed to Mokhtar Saqafi and Amir Timur Gurkani using historical, analytical-descriptive methods, field observation, and museum, documentary, and library sources. In this historical research, after collecting the necessary information, data organization, analysis, and finally inference were carried out. Based on the morphological study of the swords, it was concluded that despite the inscriptions engraved on them, they were manufactured in a period much closer than the claimed era, and most likely belong to the Safavid period. Introduction Before the advent and spread of firearms, the sword was the most crucial and efficient weapon in human warfare. Throughout history, certain swords have gained immense fame due to their attribution to religious and historical figures. The importance of such attributed swords has also led to the production of many forgeries over time. For instance, the sword Zolfaqar, attributed to the Prophet of Islam (PBUH) and later gifted to Imam Ali (AS), became a model for many forged swords (Zarvani, 2014). Today, numerous swords attributed to religious figures are preserved in the Sacred Relics section of the Topkapı Museum in Istanbul (Aydin, 2012; Bilirgen, 2014). Similarly, several important weapons attributed to Iranian kings from the Timurid period onward are kept in the Military Museum within the Sa'dabad Palace complex in Tehran, originally part of the Golestan Palace arsenal.Over time, a large portion of the historical weapons from the Golestan Palace arsenal was transferred to various locations, including the Military Museum and the National Museum of Iran. Among these weapons, two valuable swords had never been fully documented, and there were ambiguous points regarding them. Given the preciousness of these artifacts and the historical inscriptions on their blades, which attribute them to early Islamic historical figures, these two swords were selected for historical investigation. This research aims to document two of the most important weapons in the National Museum of Iran and the Military Museum, relying on historical evidence. The study seeks to clarify, given the names of historical figures on the blades, in which period these swords were manufactured and to what extent the inscribed names are historically authentic.No independent research has been conducted specifically on these swords. Romanowski Dubencza's earlier works on the general history of cold weapons in Iran do not address these swords (Dubencza, 1967). The booklet History of Metal and Weapons in Iran (1984) only provides a brief introduction. Khorasani's (2006) Arms and Armor from Iran offers only a superficial description of the sword in the National Museum without historical documentation. Khalili and Alexander's (2008) work focuses on the Khalili collection. Thus, this research fills a significant gap in the study of Iran's military heritage. Research Methodology This research adopts a descriptive-analytical method with a historical approach. Data were collected through library research, archival documents, and direct field observation and photography of the two swords in the National Museum of Iran and the Military Museum of the Army of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research also relied on museum catalogues, historical manuscripts, and Qajar-era court documents, including records from the Malek National Library and Museum (document no. 6144) and the National Archives of Iran (document no. 2958136). Morphological analysis was conducted on the blades, hilts, cross-guards (bolchaq), pommels, and decorative motifs. Epigraphic analysis was performed on the Kufic, Naskh, and Nasta'liq inscriptions. Comparative analysis between the two swords and with known Safavid and early Islamic swords was also undertaken. After collecting sufficient information, the data were organized, analyzed, and finally inferences were drawn regarding the authenticity and dating of the swords. Discussion 1. The Sword in the Islamic Era and the Evolution of the Curved BladeTo understand the form of early Islamic swords, one can refer to two surviving swords from this period in the Topkapı Museum. One sword bears the name of the Umayyad caliph Umar ibn Abd al-Aziz (d. 101 AH/720 CE) and the year 100 AH (719 CE). The second has the name of Hisham ibn Abd al-Malik (d. 125 AH/743 CE) and the year 105 AH (724 CE). The main characteristic of these two swords is that their blades are straight (Zaki, n.d.). Several other swords attributed to the Prophet, the four caliphs, and the Companions in the Topkapı Sacred Relics collection also have straight, uncurved blades (Bilirgen, 2014). This confirms that until this period, swords were straight without curvature.The first observed curved blades appeared in the early Abbasid period. These blades had a slight curvature. The development of curved swords was due to advances in metalworking and the production of high-resistance armor. Straight swords were designed for cutting but could not pierce new chainmail armor. By curving the blade, smiths increased the sword's ability to pierce armor and harm the opponent (Zaki, n.d.). This became particularly effective for cavalry, as the horse's momentum added to the rider's force. With the rise of Central Asian nomadic cavalries under the Seljuks, Ilkhanids, and Timurids, curved swords evolved further, reaching their zenith in the Safavid period (Zaki, n.d.; Ehsani, 1989).2. Safavid Sword-Making: The Golden AgeDuring the Safavid period, due to extensive royal patronage of the steel industry and swordsmithing, this craft reached its peak of prosperity. This support was necessitated by Iran's position between two powerful states, the Ottomans in the west and the Uzbeks in the east. Safavid-era Iranian swords were of very high quality and strength, so much so that European smiths could not compete with them (Chardin, 1995). The reason for this excellence was the use of high-quality steel known as "gol-e-ganda" imported from India (Chardin, 1995). In this period, the swords of high-ranking commanders and officials were specially made according to their status. Often, the owner's name and the maker's name were engraved on the blade's end, written concisely and artistically within a cartouche. Notably, unknown swordsmiths frequently forged the names of famous smiths and personalities. One of the most frequently forged names was "Asadollah Isfahani," whose products were made for the royal family; Iranian, Turkish, and Indian smiths would inscribe his name with false dates on their blades (Ehsani, 1989).3. Qajar Collecting and the Golestan Palace ArsenalThe tradition of collecting valuable historical swords continued under Aqa Mohammad Khan Qajar and Fath-Ali Shah. A collection of the finest weapons attributed to Safavid and later kings was assembled in the Qajar royal treasury. Naser al-Din Shah built a new arsenal building in 1270 AH (1853 CE) to house "all the weapons of past kings and this blessed reign, all distinguished, gilded, jewel-encrusted, and the work of ancient and modern masters" (Etemad al-Saltaneh, 1987: 1760). After visiting European museums in 1290 AH (1873 CE), he decided to build a museum resembling European museums in the royal citadel, demolishing the old northern building of Golestan Garden (Zoka, 1969). Part of the displayed items in the "Blessed Museum" consisted of weapons transferred from the arsenal and the royal jewel treasury. Many of these weapons were souvenirs of Safavid kings.Following the fall of the Qajars and the rise of Reza Shah Pahlavi, a large portion of the weapons in the museum hall, arsenal, and Golestan Palace storages was transferred to the Officers' School and the Museum of Ancient Iran. A small portion was moved with the crown jewels to the National Bank. The two swords under study were transferred during this period (circa 1938 CE). One sword, along with other artifacts, was moved to the Officers' School in Bagh-e Shah and later, after the Islamic Revolution, to the Army Museum in the Sa'dabad Palace complex. The other sword was transferred from Golestan Palace to the Museum of Ancient Iran (now the National Museum of Iran).4. Morphological and Epigraphic Analysis of the Two SwordsSword 1 (National Museum of Iran, no. 23739): Length 94 cm, curved blade (maximum curvature 12 cm), made of "johardar" (watered or damask) steel. It has seven gold-inlaid cartouches. The inscriptions include: "Amir Abdullah ibn Zubayr," "Abu Ubaydah Saqafi," "Mokhtar ibn Abi Ubaydah Saqafi," "Amir Timur Gurkan 221," "Bandeh-ye Shah-e Velayat Shah Safi 121," and a Persian verse about Zolfaqar. On the reverse side, there is an inscription: "al-Sultan Sahebqeran Naser al-Din Shah Qajar, year 1300" (1882 CE). Archival documents (Malek Museum, doc. 6144) confirm that this sword was donated to Naser al-Din Shah by Tahmasb Mirza Mo'ayed al-Dowleh and that the Qajar inscription was added in 1300 AH.Sword 2 (Military Museum): Length 93 cm, curved blade (maximum curvature 12.5 cm), also of "johardar" steel. It has six gold-inlaid cartouches with similar inscriptions: "Amir Abdullah ibn Zubayr," "Abu Ubaydah Saqafi," "Mokhtar ibn Abi Ubaydah Saqafi," "Amir Timur Gurkan," and "Bandeh-ye Shah-e Velayat Shah Safi." On the reverse side, an inscription reads: "Aziz Khan Mokri, Sardar-e Kol, 1277" (1860 CE). Archival documents (National Archives, doc. 2958136; Golestan Palace inventory no. 1819/2002) confirm this sword's presence in the Golestan Palace collection before transfer to the Military Museum.The morphological features of both swords – their curvature, the angle of the pommel (approximately 90 degrees), the use of watered steel, and the style of decoration – are typical of Safavid-period swords, not of the early Islamic or Timurid eras. Early Islamic swords were straight. The 90-degree pommel angle became common only in the Safavid period. Furthermore, the Kufic inscriptions on the blades are dotted (with diacritical marks), whereas early Kufic was undotted until around 50 AH (670 CE) (Iranian, 1967). The slight differences in measurements between the two swords suggest they were likely made by the same master swordsmith. The identical decorative motifs on the hilts, bolchaqs, and pommels further support this conclusion. Conclusion Before the advent of firearms, the sword was the primary weapon of warfare. Swords attributed to prominent historical figures have always held special significance due to their symbolic and legitimizing power for later owners. However, the findings of this research demonstrate that some of these attributions were constructed over time for political or cultural purposes.Morphological analysis of the swords attributed to Mokhtar and Timur reveals that in terms of manufacturing techniques, decorative styles, and epigraphy, these artifacts are considerably later than the claimed era. Specifically, the curvature of the blade, the use of watered steel, and the style of Kufic script do not align with early Islamic sword features. Instead, they closely resemble known Safavid-period examples. Furthermore, the dimensions, motifs, and decorative details suggest that both swords were likely made by the same master smith, reinforcing the conclusion that their attribution is artificial and later. Historical documents confirm that both swords were part of Naser al-Din Shah's royal collection in Golestan Palace and were presented to the Qajar king by two political rivals.Thus, it can be concluded that the attribution of these swords to early Islamic and Timurid historical figures lacks authentic historical support and is instead a reflection of the political and cultural processes of later periods. This study underscores the necessity of combining documentation, comparative analysis, and archival research in studying historical weapons heritage to distinguish between symbolic and actual historical value.